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ALTHOUGH REFERENCES ARE MADE TO CONVENTIONAL ARMAMENTS AND CONTROLS OVER THE EXPORT OF MILITARY-PURPOSE GOODS IN GENERAL, THIS ARTICLE CONCENTRATES ON THE PROLIFERATION OF WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION (WMD) AND ADVANCED WEAPONRY AND THE MATERIALS AND TECHNOLOGIES USED TO MANUFACTURE THEM, INCLUDING DUAL-USE ITEMS, IN OTHER WORDS THOSE WITH APPLICATIONS FOR BOTH CIVILIAN AND MILITARY PURPOSES. IT EXAMINES WHETHER THERE IS A PROLIFERATION THREAT IN PRESENT-DAY RUSSIA, AND RUSSIA'S NEW FORUM IN THE CONTEXT OF EXPORT CONTROLS AND THE GLOBAL MARKET.

Поднимается проблема влияния Германии на характер и содержание отношений между Европейским союзом и Россией в начале постбиполярной эпохи. Рассмотрен вклад ФРГ в обеспечение устойчивости сотрудничества ЕС и РФ, представлены нормативно-правовые инструменты их взаимодействия. Обращено внимание на позицию Германии в отношении расширения Европейского союза на восток. Весомое место отводится анализу военно-политических и экономических факторов, осложнивших диалог партнеров во второй половине 1990-х гг. ; In the post-bipolar era Germany has become an active participant in the unification process, which took place on the European continent. At the same time declared to be a high mission in Germany being an integral part of the Atlantic geopolitical space, serve as a bridge between east and west of the continent, thereby creating a united Europe. Germany was interested in expanding the EU for the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Their connection to the EU promised Germany a lot of benefits, but raises the question of cooperation with Russia. Germany has contributed to the research and development of an optimal tool for EU policy towards Russia, which is reflected in the creation of the program TACIS, which was attached to the Agreement on Partnership and Cooperation, signed the Russian Federation and the EU in June 1994. At the same time Germany contributed to sum up the legal framework for EU Russia cooperation, having achieved the adoption of the relevant EU Regulations in respect of the Russian Federation. German Foreign Minister K. Kinkel developed a comprehensive strategy smoothing the sharp corners in the process of EU enlargement to the east, proposing to adopt the idea of a Euro-Atlantic stability. In the second half of the 1990s background, which unfolded contacts between the EU and Russia, has acquired a negative connotation, thanks in no small measure to change the position of Germany, where he became increasingly skeptical about the success speak Russian in the formation of a democratic order. For the Russian leadership has come to realize that Europe is in no hurry to accept Russia in its ranks. In addition, concern is intensifying efforts of the Member States of the common foreign and security policy. Failed attempt to build axis Moscow Bonn (Berlin) Paris, by which, according to the Kremlin, Russia could join the pan-European security structure. Yet the tendency to build bridges of Russia and the EU view, but it was interrupted by the events of late summer autumn of 1998, namely default and the accompanying political crisis in Russia. Germany authorities tried to prevent fractures, radically deteriorating relations between the EU and Russia. Having taken in January 1999 EU presidency, Germany is actively promoted the adoption of Common Strategy of the European Union on Russia. With the advent of coalition SPD Union 90 / Green recognized that the economic power of the EU clearly dominates its political power and military potential. In this regard, the federal government stepped up G. Schroeder development of a common European policy on security and defense. At the Helsinki European Council summit in 1999 were accompanied by initiatives to CESDP tough decisions in regard to Russia. The EU and Germany have accumulated serious claims to the Russian policy in the field of human rights. Playing on the EU, the German authorities have increasingly used the second Chechen campaign as a pretext for interfering in the internal affairs of Russia.

Tsarist Russia, the USSR and modern Russia have had unique perspectives on Africa and aid, due to geographical location, changing ideologies, non-colonial history with Africa, the Cold War, alternating aid status of recipient and donor, and a historic view of Africa in a tripartite relationship with the West. Western development discourse evolved to produce a large aid apparatus, accompanied by depoliticised discourse on Africa. The USSR's discourse on Africa was political. Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), Discourse Historical Approach (DHA) and a postcolonial approach, with a structural analysis of 262 pages of Soviet newspaper Pravda and discourse analysis of 54 articles, this thesis relates findings to the Russian, Soviet and Western contexts in which the discourses arose. It shows that Pravda used Africa and aid as discursive tools to establish the USSR's position in the international hierarchy, used Africa as a rhetorical proxy, and carried a theme of "freedom as development". Similarities between Soviet, Russian and Western representations of Africa, development and aid (for example Africa's low status) were built on different motivations and assumptions, and used different tools. The USSR's Cold War rhetoric conveyed a partial and incomplete construction of Africa, aid and development. Pravda conveyed assumptions that all countries, including the USSR, are developing, that the USSR and Africa are comparable and in some ways similar, and that freedom is an overriding aspiration. Constructing development as natural, Pravda constructed a weak link between development and aid, and in general Pravda presented aid as harmful Western aid. Russia's legacy is an ideology in which Africa is still eternally "developing" but shares this activity with all countries, Africa is weak and yet is Russia's friend and ally, competition continues between Russia and the West over Africa's friendship, and aid has mainly humanitarian rather than development value. Socialist ideological discourse of equal nations remains in today's Communist Pravda. This thesis explores the evolution of perceptions in Soviet Pravda discourse, and makes a substantive analytical contribution to the literatures on development and aid, Russian foreign policy and international relations, and postcolonialism. It increases knowledge of Cold War Africa, and the USSR's and Russia's self-perceptions and attitudes towards others. Russia's status as a non-Western donor and recent aid recipient make its legacy and attitudes of particular interest.

In 2008 the conflict between Georgia and the secessionist republics Abkhazia and South Ossetia escalated into a war between Georgia and Russia. The case study about the Georgian-Abkhaz Peace process investigates the developments of this process in the post-Soviet era, tracing the reasons for its eventual collapse and the military conflict between Georgia and Russia, with grave consequences for the post-Cold War European security architecture. The text also provides a handbook of the Georgian-Abkhaz peace process, the first peace process Russia was involved in as mediator in the post-Soviet era. ; Im Jahr 2008 weitete sich der Konflikt zwischen Georgien und den abtrünnigen Republiken Abchasien und Südossetien zu einem Krieg zwischen Georgien und Russland aus. Die Fallstudie über den georgisch-abchasischen Friedensprozess untersucht die Entwicklung dieses Prozesses in der post-sowjetischen Ära und stellt die Frage nach den Gründen für seinen letztendlichen Zusammenbruch und den militärischen Konflikt mit Russland, mit seinen gravierenden Folgen für die europäische Sicherheitsarchitektur nach dem Ende des Kalten Krieges. Gleichzeitig bietet die Arbeit ein Handbuch des georgisch-abchasischen Friedensprozess, dem ersten Friedensprozess der postsowjetischen Ära, an dem sich Russland als Mediator beteiligte.

Рассматриваются основные направления нейтрализации протестного движения шахтёров России в 1992-1999 гг.: политическое противодействие и социально-экономическая деятельность. Проводится сравнительный анализ с забастовочным движением 1989-1991 гг. В контексте выделенных этапов выявляются роли основных участников данного процесса. Делается вывод о важности компромиссно-консенсусного подхода в прекращении шахтёрской борьбы. ; Principal directions to counteract miners' dissatisfaction involved political response, social and economic activities. They were different as the struggle evolved. The first stage (1992-1997) was distinguished by intensifying miners' protest campaigns. The core way to counteract them was mainly a political opposition based on populism, political dialog, disorganizing, moral and psychological pressure and force. At the beginning of the period in question, populism prevailed, then political dialog and disorganizing were used more frequently. Pressure and force were hardly fallen back on. Economic and social activity comprised three key spheres: developing conditions to support the branch on the macroeconomic level; search for internal reserves by management of companies and enterprises, and diverse assistance by regional and local authorities. In general, measures taken to overcome miners' protests in 19921997 were notable for strong conflict intensity. The second stage (January July 1998) was a peak point of miners' protest campaigns in Russia. Political counteraction to miners' struggle was distinguished by major breakthroughs: control over economic crime got stronger; the authorities used disorganizing, moral and psychological pressure and force as methods to withstand protest campaigns more often. Economic and social activities gained in importance. Internal and external resources were widely applied to cut arrears of wages. To sum up, control over miners' protest campaigns over the second period was more active and balanced. Decline of protest campaigns was typical for the third stage (August 1998-1999). Special features of protest campaigns of this stage were as follows: populism was not as important as before, political discussions were carried out not with workers but with their legal political representatives, activities of low-enforcement agencies were intensified to control economic crimes. Social and economic activities of the government agencies supported actual reforms of the mining industry and debt repayments to workers. Generally speaking, anti-crisis activity of government agencies and authorities, as well as political organizations was more significant than miners' protest campaigns. It could resolve the most significant social and economic problems and contradictions, keep stability and liberal-democratic way of development.

RETRACTEDThe concept of development of relations in the format of RIC, BRIC and BRICS, the scale and the scope of cooperation, the direction of activity are still relatively vague. However, there are significant prerequisites for a substantial rapprochement of states, and the main of them is the rejection of the establishment of a unipolar world. The BRICS could become for its participants a key factor both for strengthening positions in the world economic system, and for realization of concrete projects. The economic relations in the triangle Russia — China — India should be mentioned especially as the implementation of such projects is facilitated by the neighborhood of the countries in Eurasia. It is also very important to develop comprehensively cultural subsystem, first of all, the cooperation in the educational sphere (the strong increase in Chinese and Indian student enrollments to Russian universities, and medicine and natural science should be priority directions; the strengthening of the ties in the sphere of higher education and science). Cultural activities should also be dramatically expanded. The BRICS countries are not interested in a radical breaking of international political and economic relations, but are obliged to contribute to sharp strengthening of their positions in the world system. ; СТАТЬЯ ИЗЪЯТАКонцепция развития связей в РИК, БРИК и в БРИКС не имеет четкого наполнения, не ясны ни масштабы и рамки взаимодействия, ни направленность деятельности. Однако есть весьма значительные предпосылки для существенного сближения стран, и главная из них — неприятие возможности установления однополярного мира. БРИКС мог бы стать для его участников ключевым фактором и для укрепления своего положения в мировой экономической системе, и для выполнения конкретных проектов. Особо следует выделить экономические отношения в рамках треугольника Россия — Китай — Индия, реализация которых облегчается соседством стран в Евразии. Очень важным представляется всестороннее развитие культурной подсистемы, прежде всего, сотрудничества в образовательной сфере (массовое привлечение китайских и индийских студентов на учебу в Россию, а приоритетным направлением является медицина и естественные науки; укрепление связей в сфере высшей школы и науки). Следует также резко расширить культурно-пропагандистскую деятельность. Активизация политических, экономических, военно-политических и культурных связей трех стран вдохнет новое содержание в деятельность БРИКС и позволит подорвать монопольное положение Севера. Страны БРИКС международных политических и экономических отношений, но обязаны способствовать резкому укреплению своих позиций в мировой системе.

Од Мерлен, профессор факультета социальных и политических наук Свободного университета Брюсселя, делится своими впечатлениями от встреч с разными людьми в Томске в октябре 2011 г. Её короткие истории соединяют прошлое и настоящее людей и города, она размышляют о том, каким может быть будущее этих людей. Од слушает мнения людей по поводу предстоящих выборов в Государственную думу РФ, их оценки прошлой советской жизни и сегодняшней, их надежды и сомнения. Од Мерлен наблюдает людей в их повседневной жизни: в кафе, университетах, сауне, на улицах. Она пишет об интересе людей к Европе и европейской политике, их поиске понимания собственного прошлого и возможного будущего. Автор рассуждает о том, каким может быть будущее молодых и не очень молодых томичей. О. Мерлен посещает музей политических репрессий в Томске и разговаривает с его директором Василием Ханевичем. Она осознает, как много семей в Сибири прошли через ссылки и репрессии в советский период. О. Мерлен посещает показ документальных фильмов в университете, который посвящен погибшим правозащитницам Анне Политковской и Наталии Эстемировой. Эссе заканчивается утверждением, что сегодня Томск стал открытым городом. ; Aude Merlin, a professor at the Department of Social and Political Sciences at Free University of Brussels, shares her encounters with different people in Tomsk in October 2011. Her short stories draw the past and present experiences of the people and the city together, and contemplates their possible futures. Aude listened to the people's opinions regarding the forthcoming elections, their evaluation of the Soviet past and today life, as well as their inspiration, hopes and concerns. These findings were complemented by her observations of local people going about their everyday business, in cafes, universities, saunas, and on the street. Her understanding of the past and present were enhanced by additional experiences, such as an interview with the Director of the Museum of Political Repression, Vas-siliy Khanevich, and attendance at TSU documentaries on human rights activists Anna Politkovskaya and Nataliya Estemirova. Aude begins her work contemplating Tomsk as a 'closed city' but ends asserting that it is in fact an 'open city'. Her subtle observations and philosophical reasoning offer the insight of the experienced traveler and European specialist on Russia.

Концепция развития связей в РИК, БРИК и в БРИКС не имеет четкого наполнения, не ясны ни масштабы и рамки взаимодействия, ни направленность деятельности. Однако есть весьма значительные предпосылки для существенного сближения стран, и главная из них — неприятие возможности установления однополярного мира. БРИКС мог бы стать для его участников ключевым фактором и для укрепления своего положения в мировой экономической системе, и для выполнения конкретных проектов. Особо следует выделить экономические отношения в рамках треугольника Россия — Китай — Индия, реализация которых облегчается соседством стран в Евразии. Очень важным представляется всестороннее развитие культурной подсистемы, прежде всего, сотрудничества в образовательной сфере (массовое привлечение китайских и индийских студентов на учебу в Россию, а приоритетным направлением является медицина и естественные науки; укрепление связей в сфере высшей школы и науки). Следует также резко расширить культурно-пропагандистскую деятельность. Активизация политических, экономических, военно-политических и культурных связей трех стран вдохнет новое содержание в деятельность БРИКС и позволит подорвать монопольное положение Севера. Страны БРИКС не заинтересованы в радикальной ломке международных политических и экономических отношений, но обязаны способствовать резкому укреплению своих позиций в мировой системе. ; The concept of development of relations in the format of RIC, BRIC and BRICS, the scale and the scope of cooperation, the direction of activity are still relatively vague. However, there are significant prerequisites for a substantial rapprochement of states, and the main of them is the rejection of the establishment of a unipolar world. The BRICS could become for its participants a key factor both for strengthening positions in the world economic system, and for realization of concrete projects. The economic relations in the triangle Russia — China — India should be mentioned especially as the implementation of such projects is facilitated by the neighborhood of the countries in Eurasia. It is also very important to develop comprehensively cultural subsystem, first of all, the cooperation in the educational sphere (the strong increase in Chinese and Indian student enrollments to Russian universities, and medicine and natural science should be priority directions; the strengthening of the ties in the sphere of higher education and science). Cultural activities should also be dramatically expanded. The BRICS countries are not interested in a radical breaking of international political and economic relations, but are obliged to contribute to sharp strengthening of their positions in the world system.

This paper seeks to explore and analyse the different means and mechanisms of influence employed by Russia on the three Baltic States (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania). By influence, it means the attempt to try and get another country to behave in a manner that benefits the influencer's policy and/or interests. As such, this can entail exerting one of two forms of power, hard or soft (as defined by Nye, 2004) to bring about the compliance. The current paper restricts its focus to those mechanisms related to shaping opinion and perception, such as public diplomacy (in its various forms). To begin with the paper shall define the various concepts used – influence, power and public diplomacy. It shall then shift to the different Russian institutions that have been created to shape and manage influence, such as Russky Mir or Rossotrudnichestvo. Plus there are those other elements that exist in the region – Russian compatriots and Russian language media (both local and external to the Baltic States). Then the paper shall deal with relations between Russia and the Baltic States, with a focus upon recent history. Sources shall not be limited to academic literature and mass media resources, but will also include interviews for an 'insider' perspective on the issue. The responses shall be used to address the following question: How do people in the Baltic States perceive Russian soft power and influence?

In November 2003, when the Rose Revolution swept pro-Western Mikheil Saakashvili to the Presidency of Georgia, this small Caucasus state found itself in an awkward position with respect to Russia. Tensions between the two neighbors even escalated to a brief war in August 2008. The situation seemed inextricable. That is until the parliamentary elections of October 1, 2012, which resulted in a victory for the opposition. The new Prime Minister is a rather unusual leader: Bidzina Ivanishvili amassed a huge fortune through business dealings in Russia and only entered politics a year before the vote. Accused by the Presidential camp of being 'Moscow's man', the billionaire defends himself in this exclusive interview. While he believes that Mr. Saakashvili's anti-Kremlin policy is as hostile as it is ineffective, he has no intention of leading his country back to the Russian fold. His intention, he explains, is to tread a path of friendship with Russia while fostering closer relations with the Euro-Atlantic structures. His task may not be an easy one. Adapted from the source document.

The article presents the transcript of an interview with Andrei Denisov, First Deputy Foreign Minister of the Russian Federation, concerning the status of bilateral relations between Russia and the United States. Denisov discusses the dangers that current nuclear arms reduction with the US presents to Russia's nuclear deterrent. He also comments on the American War in Afghanistan and the effectiveness of the anti-crisis fund of the Eurasian Economic Community, including ways to support failing industries in Russia and the near-abroad as a means of weathering the current economic crisis. Denisov critiques the structure and effectiveness of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) in addressing economic and political issues. He also comments on the difficulties caused by Georgia's withdrawal from the CIS. Denisov touches on the difficulties Russian women abroad face in child custody disputes, the status of Russia as a major exporter of hydrocarbons and the possibility of the introduction of a new global currency. Adapted from the source document.