Suchergebnisse

Abstract:Since the 90s, after the crisis of the mass representation model characteristic of the Welfare States, and the arrival of the so-called audience democracy, typical of the States of the Global Era, several Latin American countries undertook constitutional reforms in which, among other changes, incorporated citizen participation and control mechanisms associated with participatory and direct conceptions of democracy, such as: the popular initiative, the popular consultation, the participatory budget and the recall, among others. This last tool of vertical societal accountability allows the citizens to dismiss the representatives elected by them through the vote in a referendum, which is called after their promoters have managed to gather the minimum number of signatures required to carry out the initiative. Colombia incorporated it in its 1991 Constitution, but only to dismiss governors and mayors. That is, executive authorities at the subnational level, thus excluding the president and legislators at all levels. In 1994 two laws regulated its exercise: law number 131 and 134. In the years 2002 and 2015, modifications were approved tending to diminish its requirements: law number 741 and 1.757, respectively. However, having submitted numerous applications in its more than 20 years of validity, no ruler was revoked until now. This article focuses on analyzing, first, the institutional design of the recall in Colombia, to determine if it has tended to facilitate or hinder its use by the population. In the same sense, the successive modifications carried out through the aforementioned laws were studied, which were aimed at reducing key requirements such as: the number of signatures needed to accompany the request, the minimum participation required in the referendum to validate the vote, the number of votes needed to dismiss the president, among others. Likewise, the empirical performance of this tool is studied during the period 1997-2015. The results obtained indicate that, despite the regulatory reforms that progressively reduced their implementation requirements, and having submitted numerous requests, no agent was revoked. Among its causes is identified the political incentive that the replacement of the revoked rulers via elections implies for its opponents interested in arriving in advance to power. However, the electoral political use of this mechanism, at the hands of former and future candidates for office, has not been accompanied at the polls with sufficient popular support to reach the minimum adhesions required for the revocation. In this way, the recall in Colombia would work less as a mechanism of citizen control than as an instrument of intra-elite political dispute. ; Resumen:Desde los años 90, tras la crisis del modelo de representación de masas característico de los Estados de Bienestar y el arribo de la llamada democracia de audiencia, propia de los Estados de la Era Global, varios paísesde América Latina emprendieron reformas constitucionales en las que, entre otros cambios, incorporaron mecanismos de participación y control ciudadano asociados a las concepciones participativa y directa de democracia, como ser: la iniciativa popular, la consulta popular, el presupuesto participativo y la revocatoria de mandato, entre otros. Esta última herramienta de accountability societal vertical permite a los ciudadanos destituir a los representantes por elloselegidos a través del voto en un referéndum, el que es convocado luego de que sus promotores hayan logrado reunir la cantidad de firmas mínimas requeridas para dar curso a la iniciativa popular de solicitud. Colombia la incorporó en su Constitución de 1991, pero solo para destituir a gobernadores y alcaldes. Es decir, autoridades ejecutivas del nivel subnacional, excluyendo por tanto al presidente y a los legisladores de todos los niveles. En el año 1994 dos leyes reglamentaron su ejercicio: la ley número 131 y la 134. En los años 2002 y 2015 se aprobaron modificaciones tendientes a disminuir sus requisitos: la ley número 741 y la 1.757, respectivamente. No obstante, habiéndose presentado numerosas solicitudes en sus más de 20 años de vigencia, ningún gobernante fue revocado hasta ahora. Este artículo se aboca por tanto a analizar, en primer lugar, el diseño institucional de la revocatoria de mandato en Colombia, para determinar si el mismo ha tendido a facilitar o a dificultar su uso por parte de la población. En igual sentido, se abordaron las sucesivas modificaciones realizadas a través de las mencionadas leyes, las que se orientaron a reducir requisitos claves como: la cantidad de firmas necesarias para acompañar la solicitud, la participación mínima exigida en el referéndum para validar la votación, el número de votos necesarios para destituir al mandatario, entre otros. Asimismo, se estudia el desempeño empírico de esta herramienta durante el período 1997-2015. Los resultados obtenidos indican que, a pesar de las reformas reglamentarias que redujeron en forma progresiva sus requisitos de implementación, y habiéndose presentado numerosas solicitudes, ningún mandatario fue revocado. Entre sus causas se identifica el incentivo político que el reemplazo del revocado vía elecciones implica para sus opositores interesados en arribar anticipadamente al poder. Sin embargo, el uso político electoral de este mecanismo, a manos de ex y futuros candidatos al cargo, no ha sido acompañado en las urnas de un apoyo popular suficiente para alcanzar las adhesiones mínimas requeridas para la revocación. De este modo, la revocatoria de mandato en Colombia funcionaría menos como un mecanismo de control ciudadano que como un instrumento de disputa política intra-élite. Summary:I. Introduction. II. Brief Definition of the Recall. III. The Recall In Colombia: Institutional Analysis 1. Political Constitution of Colombia, 1991. 2. Law No. 131 «By which the programmatic vote is regulated and other provisions are enacted», 1994. 3. Law No. 134 «By which are dictated norms on citizen participation mechanisms», 1994. 4. Law No. 741 Reforming Laws 131 and 134, 2002 5. Statutory Law No. 1,757, 2015. IV. Performance of the Recall in Colombia: its Application Between 1997 and 201. V. Conclusions Abstract:Since the 90s, after the crisis of the mass representation model characteristic of the Welfare States, and the arrival of the so-called audience democracy, typical of the States of the Global Era, several Latin American countries undertook constitutional reforms in which, among other changes, incorporated citizen participation and control mechanisms associated with participatory and direct conceptions of democracy, such as: the popular initiative, the popular consultation, the participatory budget and the recall, among others. This last tool of vertical societal accountability allows the citizens to dismiss the representatives elected by them through the vote in a referendum, which is called after their promoters have managed to gather the minimum number of signatures required to carry out the initiative. Colombia incorporated it in its 1991 Constitution, but only to dismiss governors and mayors. That is, executive authorities at the subnational level, thus excluding the president and legislators at all levels. In 1994 two laws regulated its exercise: law number 131 and 134. In the years 2002 and 2015, modifications were approved tending to diminish its requirements: law number 741 and 1.757, respectively. However, having submitted numerous applications in its more than 20 years of validity, no ruler was revoked until now. This article focuses on analyzing, first, the institutional design of the recall in Colombia, to determine if it has tended to facilitate or hinder its use by the population. In the same sense, the successive modifications carried out through the aforementioned laws were studied, which were aimed at reducing key requirements such as: the number of signatures needed to accompany the request, the minimum participation required in the referendum to validate the vote, the number of votes needed to dismiss the president, among others. Likewise, the empirical performance of this tool is studied during the period 1997-2015. The results obtained indicate that, despite the regulatory reforms that progressively reduced their implementation requirements, and having submitted numerous requests, no agent was revoked. Among its causes is identified the political incentive that the replacement of the revoked rulers via elections implies for its opponents interested in arriving in advance to power. However, the electoral political use of this mechanism, at the hands of former and future candidates for office, has not been accompanied at the polls with sufficient popular support to reach the minimum adhesions required for the revocation. In this way, the recall in Colombia would work less as a mechanism of citizen control than as an instrument of intra-elite political dispute.

This paper is one of several case studies prepared for the World Bank. The objective of the case studies is to provide the Commission on Growth and Development insights on the policy reform process in developing countries that give rise to economic growth. In contrast to other countries where economic reforms ushered in a long period of sustained growth, there is no such episode in Philippine economic history. Since the restoration of democracy in 1986, the Philippines under the Ramos administration came closest to breaking out of its 'sick man of Asia' image. The confidence generated by the administration among local and international players and analysts resulted from wide-ranging reforms rooted primarily in a sound macroeconomic and investor-friendly regime as well as global competitiveness. This study is not intended as a scorecard of the Ramos Administration. Rather, it concentrates on three specific sector reforms during the Ramos administration that demonstrate the elements of successful reform processes. These reforms not only helped to free up demands on public finances then- considered, in today's parlance, the 'binding constraint' on needed public investment and reduced risk premium to encourage private investments-but over time brought gains, some unforeseen and broader in terms of positive spillover effects on the rest of the economy, and linkage to overall growth today.

Yerel demokrasi kavramı ile bağlantılı kavramlardan biri olan ve literatürde kimi zaman yerel demokrasi ile eşdeğer anlamda kullanılan "yerel özerklik" kavramı, en genel anlamıyla; bir yerel topluluğun, yerel nitelikteki işleri, kendi başına, kendi organları eliyle görebilmesi ve buna olanak verecek kaynaklara sahip olabilmesidir (Keleş, 2000: 49). Avrupa Yerel Yönetimler Özerklik Şartı'nın üçüncü maddesi, "özerk yerel yönetim" kavramını, "yasalar çerçevesinde kamu hizmetlerinin önemli bir bölümünü yurttaşlarının yararı doğrultusunda ve kendi sorumluluğunda yerine getiren, hukuki ve yönetsel yeteneklere sahip yerel tüzel kişilik" olarak tanımlamaktadır. Aynı maddenin ikinci fıkrasında ise bu hakkın, üyeleri serbest, gizli, eşit, doğrudan ve genel seçimle oluşturulan konseyler ya da meclisler tarafından kullanılacağı ifade edilmektedir (Mengi, 1998: 70).halkın karar alma süreçlerine katılımını çok büyük oranda sınırlayan katı merkeziyetçi yapılardan uzaklaşarak yerel yönetimlerin yetkilerinin artırılması ve katı, hantal, bürokratik bir anlayış yerine üretken, gerçek anlamda eşitlikçi halk katılımına dayanan bir anlayışın hâkim kılınması, küreselleşmenin ve neo-liberalizmin yıkıcı etkilerine karşı bir alternatif oluşturabilecektir. Öte yandan, yerel yönetimlerin yetkilerinin artırılması ve güçlendirilmesi özellikle Türkiye'nin en önemli sorunlarından biri olan Kürt sorununun çözümüne de önemli ölçüde katkı sunabilecek bir potansiyel taşımaktadır. Cumhuriyet tarihi boyunca yerel yönetimler, özellikle de belediyeler, yerel demokrasinin sağlanmasından ziyade, yerel hizmetlerin etkin, verimli ve daha az maliyetle sağlanmasının aracı olarak görülmüştür. Ancak bu yaklaşım yerine, Fransa'nın 1951'den itibaren yaptığı gibi, ulus-devletin katı merkeziyetçi sistemini gevşeterek yerel yönetimlere anlamlı oranda yetki devri yapmak yoluyla hem ülke içinde eşitlikçi bir bütünleşme sağlanabilecek, hem bölgeler arası sosyo-ekonomik dengesizlikler aşılabilecek, hem de farklı yerelliklerin kendi farklılıklarını korumalarına olanak tanıyacak çoğulculuk sağlanabilecektir. Bu yolla halkın yönetimde yer alma olanaklarının geliştirilmesini sağlayacak mekanizmaların kurulması, yerel yönetimlerin toplumun bütün sorunları ile ilişkilendirilmesi, sosyal, ekonomik, tarihsel ve kültürel varlığın korunması ve geliştirilmesinde yerel yönetimlerin bir özne olarak değerlendirilmesi mümkün hale getirilebilecektir. Bu anlayışa ek olarak ise, söz konusu yerelliklerin hem gelişmişlik oranlarına göre denge sağlayıcı bir biçimde merkezi bütçe tarafından desteklenmesi, hem de kendi ekonomik kalkınmalarını sağlayabilmelerine imkân tanıyan olanakların (kooperatifleşme gibi) verilmesi, yani bir nevi ortaklaşma ve ürettiğini tüketebilme, kendine yetebilme imkânı tanınması, neo-liberal sistemin halk için değil sermaye için esas aldığı "küreselleşmeci yerelleşme" anlayışının alternatifi olabilecektir. Bu esaslara dayanan bir "yerel özerklik" anlayışı ile liberal yaklaşım tarafından savunulan yerel yönetimlerin merkezi yönetimin müdahalesinden uzak olması ile sınırlandırılmış olan "yerel özerklik" anlayışı arasındaki fark ise ortadadır. ; The concept of -local autonomy-, frequently used synonymously with local democracy, is broadly defined as `the possibility of a local community to independently handle its local tasks using its own means` (Keles, 2000: 49). The third entry in the European Charter of Self-Government defines the concept of self-government as `a local legal entity that owns legislative and governing capability to perform a significant quantity of public services within legal boundaries and under its own responsibilities in line with its public's interests`. The second article of the same entry, on the other hand, states that this capability is used by councils or assemblies whose members are elected via independent, confidential and direct general elections (Mengi, 1998: 70) As one of the frequently debated issues, the demand for more autonomous local governments is restricted to being repressed and independent of the central government by liberal approaches which aim to privatize local services, to increase the power of global capital flows by distributing public services, and to provide suitable conditions for the implementation of neo-liberal policies. In addition to ignoring general public participation, such an autonomy demand of localism seeks to adapt democracy to fit the needs of sovereign powers and to create a local governing platform where everything is subcontracted, transferred to the global capital via neo-liberal policies, and then left to the conscious of capitalism which, referring to Marx; -. cuts down the tree if its shadow cannot be sold-. Particularly today, an increasing promotion of global localization is witnessed while being moved away from the central government often equals to giving in to the wheels of the global capitalism and entering into a competitive localism with its global companies. However, this should threaten neither the existence of a local government as a self-governing unit nor the local public's right to participate in decision-making processes. The firm centralist approach, more or less like the neo-liberal approach, is an obstacle against local governments to become participatory autonomous units. Throughout the human history, all communities have been organized according to their own needs. Today, it is clear that self-governments are vital for the top-down expansion of democracy and the coordination of social development. In this respect, moving away from firm centralist bodies that cause obstructions and restrict the possibility of public participation in decision-making processes seems crucial to create an alternative against the destructive effects of globalization and neo-liberalism. This can be achieved by empowering the authority of local governments and by adapting a true egalitarian participatory approach rather than a firm, clumsy, bureaucratic method. However, increasing and empowering the authorization of local governments has the potential of contributing greatly to the solution of Kurdish issue as one of the important knots in Turkey. Throughout the history of the Republic, local governments and municipalities have been considered as effective tools in providing cost-efficient and prevalent public service rather than maintaining local democracy. Nevertheless, instead of adapting this approach, transferring significant amount of authority to local governments and loosening the firm centralist system of nation-state, as France has been doing since 1951, will not only create an integration in the country and reduce the unbalanced socio-economic conditions among the regions but it will also sustain the plurality by maintaining the differences of each local community. It will then be possible to establish mechanisms to enable public participation, to relate local governments with the problems of the whole society, and to include local governments in the protection and the development of social, economic, cultural, and historical assets. In addition, supporting local governments by the central budget in line with their growth rate, providing them with the autonomous possibilities of improving economically (e.g. becoming a cooperative); that is, giving them the opportunity to cooperate, consume what they produce, and be self-sufficient, could be an alternative for neo-liberal system's -global localization- approach adapted not for public but for the capital. The difference between such a -local government- and the one advocated by liberal approach repressed from central government is self-evident.

Strengthening the rule of law is widely regarded among traditional donors, multilateral institutions, and a growing number of middle income and fragile states as a necessary precondition for sustainable peace, poverty alleviation, and development. Crime and violence deter investment and lower employment, undermine social institutions, and divert resources through direct and indirect costs, all of which hinder development. It is likely to disproportionately affect poor and marginalized populations by limiting access to basic services. The formal criminal justice system is seen in many environments as failing to deliver justice. Most states experiencing fragility do not have the capacity to effectively prevent crime, enforce laws, or peacefully resolve disputes across the whole of their territories. There is another powerful deterrent for communities to seek redress through state criminal justice institutions: they are frequently a primary instrument for the government and elites to maintain power and control through the perpetration of injustice. The informal system, however, is alone insufficient to handle the pressing justice requirements of fragile states, not least for preventing and responding to inter-communal conflict, to serious organized and cross-border crime, and to public corruption and other 'white collar' crime.

How a new breed of dictators holds power by manipulating information and faking democracyHitler, Stalin, and Mao ruled through violence, fear, and ideology. But in recent decades a new breed of media-savvy strongmen has been redesigning authoritarian rule for a more sophisticated, globally connected world. In place of overt, mass repression, rulers such as Vladimir Putin, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, and Viktor Orbán control their citizens by distorting information and simulating democratic procedures. Like spin doctors in democracies, they spin the news to engineer support. Uncovering this new brand of authoritarianism, Sergei Guriev and Daniel Treisman explain the rise of such "spin dictators," describing how they emerge and operate, the new threats they pose, and how democracies should respond.Spin Dictators traces how leaders such as Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew and Peru's Alberto Fujimori pioneered less violent, more covert, and more effective methods of monopolizing power. They cultivated an image of competence, concealed censorship, and used democratic institutions to undermine democracy, all while increasing international engagement for financial and reputational benefits. The book reveals why most of today's authoritarians are spin dictators—and how they differ from the remaining "fear dictators" such as Kim Jong-un and Bashar al-Assad, as well as from masters of high-tech repression like Xi Jinping.Offering incisive portraits of today's authoritarian leaders, Spin Dictators explains some of the great political puzzles of our time—from how dictators can survive in an age of growing modernity to the disturbing convergence and mutual sympathy between dictators and populists like Donald Trump

Cities and countries are increasingly becoming more ethnic diverse. In the European context there have been several waves of immigration since the end of the Second World War. From guest-workers invited to work at the economic development of Europe in the 1960's and on until new fluxes of immigration nowadays, national policies have also been transforming accordingly. Policies went from being assimilationist to multiculturalist and now they are again in transformation. However, despite most laws concerning immigration and integration being national, cities and neighborhoods are the places in which newcomers influence the most. Moreover, immigrants are a diverse group and will settle under different socioeconomic conditions. While some immigrants are able to achieve more easily the same standards of the host society, others are more likely to live in deprivation. Thus, claims for greater social justice are raised. Following the Young's (1990) concept of social justice, in this thesis I propose to analyze whether local and national policies concerning immigration and integration are able to promote social justice for the ethnic diverse population. In order to answer this question, the case of neighborhoods of Neustadt- Neuschönefeld and Volkmarsdorf in Leipzig were chosen. This area concentrates high proportions of immigrant population and at the same time it is one the most deprived areas in Leipzig. Thus, most immigrants that are located in this area are living in more vulnerable situations. Three local policies were analyzed to better understand how the municipality approaches such situation. The four documents are: "Overall concept for immigrant integration", the "Integrated Development Concept for Leipzig", the "Integrated Development Concept for the district of Leipzig-East" and finally the "Municipal overall strategy for democracy and diversity". Moreover, to understand how those policies are put into practice, investments done in this area were also brought up. Three main conclusions were drawn in this respect. The first concerns the importance of the local context that shapes relations between locals and immigrants and that can limit the response of the municipality when tackling such subject. The second result concerned a possible mismatch between the reality and the policies, given that most policies were developed in a top-down approach and the few indicators in which the policies were built. Lastly, it concerns the incompatibility of assimilationist policies and social justice. ; Les villes et les pays sont de plus en plus multiethniques. L'Europe a connu un certain nombre de changements sociétaux depuis l'immigration : des travailleurs de l'après Seconde Guerre Mondiale jusqu'aux flux d'immigration actuels. Aussi, l'augmentation de l'immigration a eu un impact direct sur les politiques nationales des pays d'accueil. Cependant, bien que de la majorité des lois relatives à l'immigration et à l'intégration soient pensées à une échelle nationale, les migrants influent directement sur l'environnement urbain, où conflits entre population locale et étrangers peuvent être directement ressentis. Ainsi, les ressortissants de nationalités diverses s'installent dans les villes de façon différente selon leurs ressources économiques et leur accointances personnelles. Tandis que certains migrants peuvent plus facilement atteindre un niveau socio-économique similaire à celui de la population locale, d'autres se retrouvent dans des situations plus précaires, nécessitant ainsi une plus forte prise en charge, selon le principe de justice sociale. Suite à la définition de la justice sociale élaborée par Young (1990), cette thèse se propose d'examiner si les politiques nationales et locales relatives à l'immigration et à l'intégration peuvent promouvoir la justice sociale à une population ethniquement diversifiée. Pour répondre à cette question, nous utiliserons le cas des quartiers Neustadt-Neuschönefeld et Volkmarsdorf à Leipzig. Ces zones concentrent une grande partie de la population immigrée, la plus socialement vulnérable de Leipzig. Nous avons donc analysé un certain nombre de politiques publiques pour comprendre le traitement que font les municipalités de cette question. En outre, nous avons listé les investissements dans la région afin de mieux comprendre de quelle manière les plans et les politiques publiques sont mis en pratique. Une des premières conclusions qui se dégage concerne l'influence du contexte local sur les relations entre les migrants et les natifs, qui peuvent avoir un impact restrictif direct sur les actions de la municipalité. Une deuxième conclusion se rapporte au décalage entre la réalité du terrain et les politiques développées. Alors que plusieurs indicateurs sociaux manquent déjà dans l'architecture des politiques, leur processus d'élaboration n'a eu que peu recours à la participation de la population immigrée pour laquelle, pourtant, ces politiques sont destinées. Enfin, nous verrons que notre dernière conclusion se réfère directement à l'incompatibilité entre justice sociale et politiques d'assimilation.

Cities and countries are increasingly becoming more ethnic diverse. In the European context there have been several waves of immigration since the end of the Second World War. From guest-workers invited to work at the economic development of Europe in the 1960's and on until new fluxes of immigration nowadays, national policies have also been transforming accordingly. Policies went from being assimilationist to multiculturalist and now they are again in transformation. However, despite most laws concerning immigration and integration being national, cities and neighborhoods are the places in which newcomers influence the most. Moreover, immigrants are a diverse group and will settle under different socioeconomic conditions. While some immigrants are able to achieve more easily the same standards of the host society, others are more likely to live in deprivation. Thus, claims for greater social justice are raised. Following the Young's (1990) concept of social justice, in this thesis I propose to analyze whether local and national policies concerning immigration and integration are able to promote social justice for the ethnic diverse population. In order to answer this question, the case of neighborhoods of Neustadt- Neuschönefeld and Volkmarsdorf in Leipzig were chosen. This area concentrates high proportions of immigrant population and at the same time it is one the most deprived areas in Leipzig. Thus, most immigrants that are located in this area are living in more vulnerable situations. Three local policies were analyzed to better understand how the municipality approaches such situation. The four documents are: "Overall concept for immigrant integration", the "Integrated Development Concept for Leipzig", the "Integrated Development Concept for the district of Leipzig-East" and finally the "Municipal overall strategy for democracy and diversity". Moreover, to understand how those policies are put into practice, investments done in this area were also brought up. Three main conclusions were drawn in this respect. The first concerns the importance of the local context that shapes relations between locals and immigrants and that can limit the response of the municipality when tackling such subject. The second result concerned a possible mismatch between the reality and the policies, given that most policies were developed in a top-down approach and the few indicators in which the policies were built. Lastly, it concerns the incompatibility of assimilationist policies and social justice. ; Les villes et les pays sont de plus en plus multiethniques. L'Europe a connu un certain nombre de changements sociétaux depuis l'immigration : des travailleurs de l'après Seconde Guerre Mondiale jusqu'aux flux d'immigration actuels. Aussi, l'augmentation de l'immigration a eu un impact direct sur les politiques nationales des pays d'accueil. Cependant, bien que de la majorité des lois relatives à l'immigration et à l'intégration soient pensées à une échelle nationale, les migrants influent directement sur l'environnement urbain, où conflits entre population locale et étrangers peuvent être directement ressentis. Ainsi, les ressortissants de nationalités diverses s'installent dans les villes de façon différente selon leurs ressources économiques et leur accointances personnelles. Tandis que certains migrants peuvent plus facilement atteindre un niveau socio-économique similaire à celui de la population locale, d'autres se retrouvent dans des situations plus précaires, nécessitant ainsi une plus forte prise en charge, selon le principe de justice sociale. Suite à la définition de la justice sociale élaborée par Young (1990), cette thèse se propose d'examiner si les politiques nationales et locales relatives à l'immigration et à l'intégration peuvent promouvoir la justice sociale à une population ethniquement diversifiée. Pour répondre à cette question, nous utiliserons le cas des quartiers Neustadt-Neuschönefeld et Volkmarsdorf à Leipzig. Ces zones concentrent une grande partie de la population immigrée, la plus socialement vulnérable de Leipzig. Nous avons donc analysé un certain nombre de politiques publiques pour comprendre le traitement que font les municipalités de cette question. En outre, nous avons listé les investissements dans la région afin de mieux comprendre de quelle manière les plans et les politiques publiques sont mis en pratique. Une des premières conclusions qui se dégage concerne l'influence du contexte local sur les relations entre les migrants et les natifs, qui peuvent avoir un impact restrictif direct sur les actions de la municipalité. Une deuxième conclusion se rapporte au décalage entre la réalité du terrain et les politiques développées. Alors que plusieurs indicateurs sociaux manquent déjà dans l'architecture des politiques, leur processus d'élaboration n'a eu que peu recours à la participation de la population immigrée pour laquelle, pourtant, ces politiques sont destinées. Enfin, nous verrons que notre dernière conclusion se réfère directement à l'incompatibilité entre justice sociale et politiques d'assimilation.

This PhD dissertation analyzes the economic development from the concept of human factor which appears in the Institutional Economics trough the informal institutions. These institutions are responsible for the specific character of each national institutional structure which forms the incentive system of an economy. An institutional framework as a composite of formal rules and informal institutions is an evolutionary set. The wider objective of this thesis is to understand the evolution and change of institutional structures by studying in particular the international impact on this process. The specific objective of this research work is to apply the developed approach to the Russian case in order to better understand the actual Russian institutional structure, its effectiveness for the economic development of the country and the impact of the economic openness on the institutional change, in particular on the Russian human factor. This impact is a highly topical question for Russia because of its greater economic openness due to its accession to the World Trade Organization completed in 2012. Within the theoretical framework formed by Institutional Economics, Development Economics and International Economics, this research leads us to present the globalization as an institutional process which generalized formal institutions of the market economy and the democracy on the global scale but which ignored the role of the local human factor. It explains the differences of the economic performance in the countries who adopted the same formal framework. In contrast, taking into account the role of the human factor in the economic development allows to develop more optimistic views of globalization. By facilitating the direct contact between the representatives of the different institutional structures, the globalization can stimulate the evolution of social norms of unproductive behavior to the social values inciting productive actions. Applying this to the Russian framework which formal and informal institutions became strongly divergent in result of the transition reforms of 1990s, it is possible to conclude that the economic openness of this country in the actual situation will favor the change of its human factor. Considering the incoherence between Russian actual formal framework and Russian informal institutions, the evolution of the last will contribute to establish former and impersonal social order. ; Cette thèse propose une analyse du développement économique à partir du concept de facteur humain qui apparaît en économie institutionnelle à travers les institutions informelles. Ces dernières sont responsables du caractère spécifique de chaque structure institutionnelle nationale qui forme le cadre incitatif de l'économie. Composée de règles formelles et informelles, la structure institutionnelle représente un ensemble évolutif. L'objectif élargi de cette recherche est donc de comprendre l'évolution et le changement des structures institutionnelles en étudiant particulièrement l'impact international sur ce processus. L'objectif spécifique de ce travail est d'appliquer l'approche développée au cas de la Russie afin de contribuer à une meilleure compréhension de la structure institutionnelle russe actuelle, de son efficacité pour le développement économique du pays et de l'impact de l'ouverture économique sur son changement, et notamment sur le facteur humain russe. Avec l'adhésion de la Russie en 2012 à l'Organisation Mondiale du Commerce cette question est d'intérêt particulier car le pays s'ouvre aux nouveaux attributs de la mondialisation. En mobilisant le cadre théorique croisé entre l'économie institutionnelle, l'économie de développement et l'économie internationale, cette étude nous conduit à présenter la mondialisation en tant que processus institutionnel qui en généralisant les institutions formelles de l'économie de marché et de la démocratie à l'échelle planétaire, a ignoré le rôle du facteur humain local. Cela explique la différence des performances économiques des pays qui ont adopté les mêmes cadres organisationnels. En revanche, la prise en considération du facteur humain dans l'analyse économique permet de développer la vision plus optimiste de la mondialisation. En facilitant le contact direct entre les représentants des structures institutionnelles différentes, elle est capable de stimuler l'évolution des normes de comportement improductif vers les valeurs sociales incitant les actions productives. En appliquant ce constat à l'analyse de la structure institutionnelle russe qui a vu diverger ses institutions formelles et informelles en résultat des réformes de la transition des années 1990, il est possible de conclure que l'ouverture économique de ce pays dans les conditions actuelles favorisera le changement de son facteur humain. Compte tenu de l'incohérence entre le cadre formel et les institutions informelles russes, l'évolution de ces dernières contribuera à l'instauration de l'ordre social formel et impersonnel.

This dissertation is a contribution to the debate on environmental degradation and development. It focuses on the determinants and macroeconomic effects of environmental degradation. It is structured in two parts. The first part analyses the effects of education and democratic institutions on environmental quality. The first chapter analyses the role of education in environmental quality. No evidence of an effect of education on carbon dioxide emissions. However, this effect depends crucially on the sample of countries according to their levels of development. While the effect remains insignificant in developing countries, education does matter for carbon dioxide emissions in developed ones. Moreover, when controlling for the quality of democratic institutions, the positive effect of education on carbon dioxide emissions is mitigated in developed countries while remaining insignificant in developing ones. The second chapter explores the effect of democratic institutions on environmental quality. We evidence that democratic institutions do have a direct and positive effect on environmental quality. This positive effect is stronger for local pollutants than for global ones. More interestingly, it identifies the indirect channels through which democracy affects environmental degradation. Indeed, by increasing people's preferences for redistribution and economic policies, democratic institutions have indirect and negative effects on environmental protection through income inequality and investments. In the second part, the dissertation provides two essays on the effects of environmental policies and climate change on development. The third chapter investigates the effects of climatic variability on food security. The results show that climatic variability reduces food security in developing countries. The adverse effect is higher for African sub-Saharan countries than for other developing countries. Second, the negative effect of climatic variability on food security is exacerbated in countries facing conditions of conflict and is high for the countries that are vulnerable to food price shocks. The fourth chapter provides new evidence about the effect of a gap in environmental policies between trading partners on trade flow. While previous papers have used partial measures of environmental regulations (input-Oriented or output-Oriented indicators), we compute an index of a country's environmental policy. Results suggest that a similarity in environmental policies has no effect on bilateral trade flows. Moreover results do not appear to be conditional on the level of development of the countries trading or on the characteristics of exported goods (manufactured goods and primary commodities). ; Cette thèse apporte un nouvel éclairage au débat sur la dégradation de l'environnement et le développement. Elle analyse les déterminants et les effets macroéconomiques de la dégradation de l'environnement. Elle est subdivisée en deux parties. La première partie analyse les effets de l'éducation et des institutions démocratiques sur la qualité de l'environnement. Le premier chapitre analyse le rôle de l'éducation dans la protection de l'environnement. Les résultats empiriques indiquent que l'effet dépend du niveau de développement. Contrairement à l'échantillon des pays en développement où elle n'a pas effet, l'éducation est source de pollution dans les pays développés. Cependant, cet effet est atténué en présence de bonnes institutions démocratiques. Le deuxième chapitre étudie l'impact des institutions démocratiques sur la qualité de l'environnement. Nous montrons qu´elles ont un effet direct et positif sur la qualité de l'environnement. Celui-Ci est plus élevé pour les polluants locaux que pour les polluants globaux. De plus, ce chapitre identifie des canaux indirects par lesquels l´amélioration de la démocratie dégrade l'environnement. En effet, en favorisant l´adoption de politiques de redistribution des revenus et de politiques économiques, la démocratie a un effet indirect et négatif sur la protection de l'environnement. La deuxième partie propose deux essais sur les effets du changement climatique et des politiques environnementales sur le développement. Le troisième chapitre met en évidence un effet négatif et significatif de la variabilité climatique sur la sécurité alimentaire dans les pays en développement. Cet effet apparait plus élevé dans les pays africains. Par ailleurs, cet effet est exacerbée dans les pays à conflit et ceux vulnérables aux chocs des prix des biens alimentaires. Le quatrième chapitre analyse l'effet de la similitude des politiques environnementales sur le commerce bilatéral. Contrairement aux études précédentes qui utilisent des indicateurs partiels de réglementation environnementale (indicateurs axés sur les moyens ou sur les résultats), nous construisons on un indicateur de politique environnementale révélé. Les résultats suggèrent que la similitude dans les politiques environnementales n'a pas d'effet sur les flux commerciaux bilatéraux. En outre les résultats ne dépendent ni du niveau de développement de pays partenaires ni des caractéristiques des biens exportés (biens manufacturés et biens primaires).

This paper analyzes the relations between leadership, the policy making process, policies and institutions, and development results in Chile. It starts with a stylized model for the dynamics of development that derives a Kuznets type relation between growth and distribution of income, determined by the quality of leadership, the policy making process, institutions, and policies. This framework is applied to Chile, identifying the features of the policy making process and leadership that allowed for continuation of growth enhancing reform, with a stronger focus on equity goals, since the transition to democracy. As a result of three decades of reforms, Chile has recorded a quantum leap in economic growth, which is traced down to specific reforms. Yet Chile's equity experience is much more mixed: poverty has declined massively but income remains highly concentrated, a likely result of shortcomings in the quality of education and in labor markets. The paper reviews the major risks to the country's future development pace and points out the main reform challenges faced by policy makers.

According to the authors, the current aggression of the Russian Federation against Ukraine permanently deprives Ukrainians of any hope of compromise with their north-eastern neighbour, which is trying to prove the invalidity of a self-sufficient Ukrainian statehood in any way, failure of Ukrainians to create and develop their sovereign state. It has done this throughout all previous centuries, in every way destroying any attempts by Ukrainians to cultivate their own identity. This undoubtedly applies to the use of the mother tongue, the activities of all cultural and educational centres, etc. Attempts by Ukrainians to recreate the Ukrainian state after World War I failed due to internal and external factors, among which the Russian played not a minor role. Russia, then a Bolshevik state, saw no other path to its development than ownership of Ukrainian lands and domination of the Ukrainians. To this end, the most brutal methods of persecution of rebellious Ukrainians were used - from the liquidation of any public organizations to the mass destruction of their carriers. During the interwar period, the part of the Ukrainian lands which later, during and after World War II, the USSR (the same Russia, only under a pseudonymise of the federation of "independent" states) seized, in agreement with then Hitler's Germany, belonged to other states, including Poland. Taking into account what is happening now, the authors would like to dwell briefly on the activities of Ukrainian educational organizations of the time in Volyn, which was under the authority of Poland. The article analyzes the activity and significance of the Ukrainian national cultural centers in Volyn – Prosvita and Prosvita Houses. It is noted that due to the implementation of the "Volyn experiment" voivod H. Yuzevsky destroyed the cultural and educational society Prosvita in the province under various acutenesses and created societies that were supposed to implement the program of governorates. On the basis of the analysis of many facts, the authors came to the conclusion that cultural and educational organizations subordinated to the Volyn Ukrainian Association, contrary to the hopes of the Polish authorities, had little beneficial influence on the development of culture, education, and literature in Volyn. Further experience showed that after the annexation of Volyn to the USSR, using the slogans of liberation of Ukrainians from the Polish oppression, led to the extermination of all centers of both Polish, and Ukrainian cultural and educational activity, because they did not fit into the Soviet interpretation of human rights and democracy as such. There is no doubt that after the end of the current unprovoked bloody war, which Ukraine will eventually win, with the direct comprehensive assistance of the same Poland and the entire civilized world, the problem of eliminating the layers of alienation between Ukrainians and Poles will be viewed from the perspective of what brings us closer rather than separate.

The COVID-19 pandemic dramatically reduced direct interactions between teachers and students during learning hours. As a consequence, teachers struggle to gauge the student's ability and cannot fully understand the learning situation at home for each student, especially adolescents. This was experienced by PKBM X who since the pandemic has had profound trouble to reach out to their students. PKBM X is a non-formal high school that upholds the values of equality and democracy, and teachers bear a role to understand the condition of each student and try to help whenever necessary. However, according to interviews, some teachers are unsure about how to establish a relationship with students, especially in this time of pandemic. There are also teachers who are too involved emotionally with the student's problems, to a point where they feel emotionally burdened. Utilizing the problem tree analysis, it is concluded that the relationship between teachers and students isn't optimal. To that end, a training was designed to inform participants about positive teacher -student relationship, especially during pandemic. With this knowledge, teachers realized the importance of positive teacher -student relationships and how to initiate positive interactions in times of pandemic. Not only that, teachers are also taught to manage their expectations about the teacher -student relationship, so that teachers continue to provide support without being personally affected if the student is not easily approached. After the training, teacher's knowledge about the positive teacher-student increased, and teachers were able to develop action plans for their students.Pandemi COVID-19 membuat interaksi langsung di jam belajar mengajar antara guru dan siswa berkurang. Guru menjadi sulit mengetahui pemahaman dan keadaan siswa. Hal ini dialami oleh PKBM X yang sejak masa pandemi merasa sulit untuk menjangkau siswa. Padahal, PKBM X adalah sekolah yang menjungjung tinggi nilai kesetaraan dan kekeluargaan, dan guru memiliki peran untuk mengetahui kondisi siswa dan berusaha membantu. Hanya saja, berdasarkan wawancara, sejumlah guru ragu bagaimana menjalin interaksi dengan siswa, terutama di masa pandemi ini. Ada juga guru yang malah terlalu terlarut dengan masalah siswa, sehingga merasa terbeban secara emosional. Dengan metode analisis pohon masalah, ditemukan bahwa hubungan guru dan siswa di PKBM X pada saat ini kurang optimal. Untuk itu, dirancanglah sebuah pelatihan seputar pengetahuan membina hubungan guru dan siswa yang positif, terutama di masa pandemi ini. Dengan pengetahuan ini, guru diharapkan dapat menyadari pentingnya hubungan guru dan siswa yang positif serta bagaimana memulai interaksi positif di masa pandemi. Tak hanya itu, guru juga diajak untuk mengelola ekspektasi tentang hubungan guru dan siswa yang positif, sehingga guru tetap memberikan bantuan terbaiknya tanpa terdampak secara personal jika kondisi siswa tidak mudah dijangkau atau didekati. Melalui pelatihan ini, pengetahuan guru tentang hubungan guru dan siswa meningkat, dan guru dapat menentukan rencana aksi yang dapat mereka lakukan untuk siswa di PKBM X.

This paper identifi es and explains key changes in the U.S. aid policies towards Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) under Donald Trump. It seeks to validate two widespread arguments — the one about the current administration's revision of pivotal principles of providing foreign assistance, and the other one — about an accelerated disengagement of the United States from the MENA region since 2017. The paper consists of four sections. The fi rst section explores the transformation of the U.S. strategic thinking and regional context under the Trump administration and then posits fi ve hypotheses about possible changes in the volume and composition of the U.S. assistance to the MENA region (in comparison with the fi nal two years of the Obama administration), as well as the diff erences in the executive branch and the Congress's positions. The second section explains particularities of the statistical data and the methods of its exploration, the third section presents the results of hypothesis testing using aggregated data on aid fl ows to the region, and the fi nal section explains these results, sometimes unexpected, using the data disaggregated by country. Three of fi ve hypotheses proved wrong based on the aggregate data. First, the Trump administration did not cut assistance to the MENA more substantially than to other regions of the globe. Second, it did not ringfence aid accounts which helped yield direct dividends to the U.S. businesses. Third, the Republican Congress was clearly less willing to support the executive's aid chocies under a new Republican President than during the last years of a Democrat Barack Obama's second term. Only two hypotheses proved correct — one about a prioritization of security and military assistance under Donald Trump and the other one — about disproportionate cuts of democracy promotion assistance. Such an unexpected result calls for refi ning both aforementioned arguments and taking into account the dissimilarities in the dynamics of assistance to diff erent countries. The United States tends to practice a diff erentiated approach in dealing with two largest Arab aid recipients (Egypt and Jordan) and with other Arab countries. The assistance to Cairo and Amman is ringfenced and protected, while aid to other recipients, including security assistance and FMF grants, is prone to quite drastic cuts. This diff erentiation is explained by the fact that cooperation with Egypt and Jordan rests not only on more solid strategic foundations but also on a strong support within the United States — both from the defense contractors interested in large export contracts and from an infl uential pro-Israel lobby. The U.S. will not abandon this highly diff erentiated approach after the 2020 elections but the structure of assistance to the MENA region might undergo quite a dramatic transformation.

Constitution does not just contain simple general phrases, but directly regulates the governmental relations and establishes specific procedure for usage of power. Therefore, this usage cannot be "this or that" – it can only be such as is prescribed or allowed by the Constitution. This formula is designed to minimize the abuse of power, arbitrariness, and inadequate invasion of individual freedom. However, the established procedure would be no more than what Sartori called "a dead letter" if constitutional provisions were not supported by enforcement safeguards. Many legal orders, including almost all developed democracies, have such specialized mechanisms of constitutional review, which cover all types of governmental activity, whether it is the will of the legislature, executive acts, or judgments of courts. Citizens, as well as subjects of political arena, are provided with effective constitutional remedies. In other States, including Russia and some post-Soviet systems, only statutes (mostly laws) are subject to constitutional review. Actions and casual decisions of authorities can only be reviewed for compliance with the statutes in courts of general jurisdiction (administrative procedure). This article is an attempt to prove the existence of a separate body of constitutional misconduct, i.e. such possible manifestations of power, illegality of which is often difficult even to reveal in administrative proceedings due to the issues of a truly constitutional nature, let alone the possibility of curbing such acts by ordinary measures. The first paragraph presents an original classification of constitutional misbehavior – from a violation of a direct or implicit constitutional provision to a breach of the constitutional oath or citizens' legitimate expectations. The second paragraph supports the theoretical dogma with the empirical basis, considering foreign practice of constitutional review. Real actions of the senior government officials of the United States, Germany, Austria, Italy, Australia, Lithuania, South Africa, etc. were held at various times as unconstitutional. The third paragraph is a discussion on the problem of administrative process' capacity to ensure that the behavior of government is constitutional and to implement the goals of constitutionalism. Take, for instance, just some examples of constitutional misbehavior: religious-biased and intolerant speeches on the part of officials, the excess of "implied" powers, the unpredictable enforcement acts and executive decisions etc. There is no doubt that such misconduct is dangerous for constitutional democracy. But the real doubt is the ability and competence of administrative courts to judge such conduct on the merits of constitutionality. Research material shows that the legality of acts does not always mean their constitutionality, while the unconstitutionality of acts does not always mean the unconstitutionality of their statute ground. Thus, the author makes a valid conclusion that the power of behavioral constitutional review is an immanent characteristic of limited government and should be separated from statutory constitutional review.

Este artículo tiene por objetivo analizar el movimiento estudiantil secundario de Chile desde un abordaje transdisciplinar, como fenómeno complejo insuficientemente investigado y reflexionado por parte de las ciencias sociales y las humanidades. El problema general en el que se inscribe este objetivo es el de la crisis de las instituciones de la democracia liberal, y más específicamente, el de las relaciones entre los conceptos de ciudadanía y complejidad, para la interpretación del movimiento estudiantil secundario. Partiendo de la distinción entre aquella participación ciudadana que se concreta bajo formas institucionalizadas de delegación del poder en una elite política; y una ciudadanía participativa, crítica y transformadora, que promueve y se realiza en formas de asociación y organización política igualitarias, en el ejercicio de una soberanía como praxis comprometida con la construcción de lo público y del bien común. La información ha sido analizada recurriendo a métodos hermenéutico-comprensivos propios de las ciencias sociales y las humanidades, cuyos fundamentos dialogan con la tradición del pensamiento complejo, convergiendo en la crítica al reduccionismo positivista del conocimiento. Se concluye estableciendo la existencia de una tendencia o transición al interior del movimiento estudiantil secundario, que va desde formas de asociatividad y organizaciones propias del modelo liberal, que delega la soberanía de la ciudadanía en representantes electos o electas, hacia la preeminencia de otra corriente, de carácter contra hegemónico: un modelo democrático de participación directa e igualitaria en el autogobierno comunitario.//This article aims to analyze the secondary student movement in Chile from a transdisciplinary approach, as a complex phenomenon insufficiently investigated and reflected on by the social sciences and humanities. The general problem in which this objective is inscribed is that of the crisis in the institutions of liberal democracy, and more specifically, that of the relations between the concepts of citizenship and complexity, for the interpretation of the secondary student movement. Starting from the distinction between that citizen participation that takes shape under institutionalized forms of delegation of power in a political elite; and a participative, critical and transforming citizenship, which promotes and is carried out in forms of egalitarian association and political organization, in the exercise of sovereignty as praxis committed to the construction of the public and the common good. The information has been analyzed using hermeneutic-comprehensive methods typical of the social sciences and humanities, the foundations of which dialogue with the tradition of complex thought, converging in the critique of positivist reductionism of knowledge. It concludes by establishing the existence of a trend or transition within the secondary student movement, which goes from forms of association and organization typical of the liberal model, which delegates the sovereignty of citizenship to elected representatives, towards the preeminence of another current, Counter-hegemonic in character: a democratic model of direct and equal participation in community self-government.