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On the efficiency of climate policies international coordination. This article analyses the economic efficiency of climate policies international coordination acknowledging long term perspectives and political constraints. It questions the economic and political viability of emission trading with respect to market power and dynamic distortions. The latter proves more worrying. While one may reasonably expect national positions being decentralized, the Climate Convention cannot commit on long term emission objectives. As a consequence, there is room for strategic behaviour by governments. Structural public programs, crucial to curb long term emissions, are likely to be scaled down because governments expect post-2012 quotas to be revised according to observed trends. This might jeopardize the climate action and further weaken the political consensus it requires. Are carbon taxes a better policy option ? It might be the case provided the tax is levied at the international level, but this option faces political obstacles. A hybrid scheme should realise a good compromise between economic efficiency and political acceptability. ; Cet article propose une analyse économique de la coordination internationale contre le réchauffement planétaire intégrant les perspectives de long terme et les contraintes politiques. Il s'interroge ainsi sur les risques économiques et politiques auxquels les permis d'émission négociables pourraient être exposés du fait de pouvoirs de marché ou de distorsions dynamiques. Les seconds s'avèrent les plus difficiles à contrôler. Si la déconcentration des positions nationales est envisageable, aucun organisme international ne peut prétendre fixer, une fois pour toutes, les objectifs à long terme. Dès lors, anticipant que le montant des quotas futurs sera toujours ajusté au vu des tendances réelles, beaucoup de pays ne s'engageront pas dans des programmes structurels suffisamment ambitieux. Cela risque de compromettre l'efficacité de l'action climatique et de fragiliser plus encore le consensus ...

Intro -- Preface -- Acknowledgment -- Table of Content -- Abbreviations -- Table of Figures -- Table of Tables -- 1 Introduction -- 2 Theory -- 2.1 Nation-Bound Policy Analysis Frameworks -- 2.2 Trans-, Supra-, and International Bound Policy Analysis Frameworks -- 2.3 Applied Framework, Theory and Model -- 3 European Union -- 3.1 Developing a European Energy Policy -- 3.2 Directive 2009/28/EC -- 3.3 Regulation 714/2009 and Regulation 347/2013 -- 3.4 EU Constitutional Context in light of EU Renewable Energy Policy -- 3.5 EU Legal Basis for Energy and RES-E promotion -- 3.6 Implementation of Directive 2009/28/EC in light of RES-E -- 3.7 Analysis -- 4 Germany -- 4.1 German Constitutional Context -- 4.2 German Transposition of Directive 2009/28/EC and NREAP -- 4.3 Implementation Evaluation of Directive 2009/28/EC in Germany -- 4.4 German National Preferences -- 4.5 Analysis -- 5 Poland -- 5.1 Polish Constitutional Context -- 5.2 Polish Transposition of Directive 2009/28/EC and NREAP -- 5.3 Implementation Evaluation of Directive 2009/28/EC in Poland -- 5.4 Polish National Preferences -- 5.5 Analysis -- 6 Inter-National Interdependencies between Germany and Poland -- 6.1 Supranational Framework Policies for Inter-State Interconnectedness -- 6.2 Comparison RES-E Deployment in Germany and Poland -- 6.3 Consequences of German RES Deployment for Germany and Poland: Loop Flows and Spot Market Prices -- 6.4 Merit Order Effect -- 6.5 Short-Term and Long-Term Impact of German RES Deployment on the Polish Electricity Market -- 6.6 Analysis -- 7 Conclusion -- 8 Bibliography -- 9 Appendix I - Summary English -- 10 Appendix II - Summary German.

Effect of US defense spending, particularly.

Despite a significant role of a society's economic culture and a worker's personality in the life of the society, an enterprise or another person, the problem of forming economic culture is underdeveloped in pedagogic and economic literature. It is still not clear how the processes of forming an individual's basic economic culture and a specialist's professional education in the conditions of continuous economic education are interconnected. Low effectiveness of a person who is not economically educated is underestimated. The process of a person's economic culture growth causes significant problems as it appears to be a complex integrated phenomenon characterizing the manufacturing and entrepreneurial activities (the most important values accepted by the society members; dominating ethical standards of economic activity; the code of behavior; the system of formal and informal norms of economic activity; rituals, customs and traditions, individual and community interests; the level of the company consciousness and management, the manager's organizing and administrative activity; availability and high quality of company's basic and business documents; state-of-the-art office equipment, etc.). The economic component is a part of each block of requirements to the specialist and as a consequence is not an independent direction. However, its formation cannot be reached by a single learning discipline or a course of disciplines, but requires a system approach. The move to the market economy, the integration into the international educational space, the processes of democratization and humanization of the society life have required the Russian system of education to respond to a whole range of demands: to make the process of the specialist's preparation for life and the specialist him/herself more flexible, able to respond to the changes in social processes; to adapt the graduates to the market relationships, which depend on the occupation level and the level of proposition in a work sphere; to ensure the flexibility of education which will facilitate a more comprehensive realization of a person's creative potential.

ObjectiveThis research adds to our understanding of environmental degradation by evaluating the "contested" role international nongovernmental organizations play in managing environmental problems. MethodsI use cross-national data for a sample of up to 70 nations to examine the effect of international nongovernmental organizations on deforestation for the period of 1990 to 2000. The models also include relevant controls for gross national product, economic growth, population growth, democracy, government expenditures, domestic investment, forest stocks, exports, multinational corporations, and structural adjustment. ResultsThe main findings indicate that nations with higher levels of international nongovernmental organizations presence have lower levels of deforestation. I also examine the effects of international nongovernmental organizations at different levels of democracy by including an interaction term between international nongovernmental organizations and democracy. In doing so, I find that international nongovernmental organizations continue to reduce deforestation. However, they reduce deforestation more at higher rather than at lower levels of democracy. ConclusionsThis research illustrates that international nongovernmental organizations reduce deforestation despite claims to the contrary. However, their effectiveness appears to be affected by the level of democracy in a nation. Adapted from the source document.

The predominant approach to modeling OPEC behavior depends upon the assumption that economic self-interest provides the best predictor of the cartel's price and production strategy. With rational monopoly behavior, the exogenous characteristics of the oil market determine an optimal price path for the group. But OPEC members have diverse economic as well as political goals. And uncertainty about oil market responses provides substantial leeway to argue about what is optimal. An examination of the five key OPEC price decisions since 1973 shows that an operational code of advancing political priorities on Arab-Israeli issues while deflecting security challenges better explains Saudi Arabia's decision-making than the economic optimizing approach. Moreover, no economic formula alone is consistent with Saudi behavior. The balance of internal and external forces of a political or security character on Saudi leadership suggests more of a tilt toward price hawkishness than pure considerations of economic self-interest would indicate. This tilt is reinforced by a systematic weakness on the part of the U.S. government to exercise a sustained countervailing influence on the Kingdom on behalf of moderation.

In the age of globalization, many economic sectors are addressed not only by the policies of national, but also of international institutions. Using three cases of highly internationalized sectors of the German economy - international tourism, telecommunications, and the pharmaceutical industry - the paper tries to spell out and explain the differences in the governance architecture of these economic sectors. The main differences identified concern the prevalent purpose or goals of governance; the prevalent governance instruments; the relative importance of agencies at different territorial levels; and the prevalence of public, private, or mixed forms of governance. These differences are interrelated and reflect differences between sectoral economies. In the light of the comparison, the relationship between different levels in a multi-level governance structure is discussed, with a view to the extent and nature of coordination that exists between them. Both the architecture and the regimes of multi-level governance are shaped by attempts to cope with conflict, and manifest the endurance of conflicts that cannot be resolved once and for all.

Objective: The purpose of this paper is to examine the problem of sectarianism in Nigeria and Iraq, as both countries provide typical examples of ethno-sectarian divided societies characterized by huge contrasts in social norms and religious values among the citizens. Methodology: Adopting content analysis, the current paper argues that ethno-sectarianism negatively affects political process in both countries which invariably undermines their effort toward national integration. The paper seeks to answer the following question: will restructuring the Nigerian and Iraqi federal relations contribute to resolving sectarian tensions? First, the paper examines the sources of sectarianism in both countries. The paper therefore examines how ethno-sectarianism shaped and molds the polity of both countries, where ethnic and religious values play major role in determining citizen's reaction to political phenomenon Results: Coordination mechanisms such as framework legislation and dispute resolution committees are also necessary to ensure that the transition to viable federalism occurs with minimal encumbrance. To respect the complex and diverse identities of nations, safeguards need to be established to protect the rights of sub-federal nations. For example, the political future of Iraq and Nigeria is not a return to failed approaches of division, but rather the construction of a viable modern federal state that promotes unity, political compromise, and consensus building. Implication: This paper therefore posits that there is a need for deep mental changes and social adjustment among the citizens of both countries where attributes such as tolerance, dignity of human persons and above all patriotism must be re-defined and this requires collaboration between political leaders, community leaders and religious bodies as the problem is societal bound.