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ABSTRACTThis thesis discusses the implementation of structural appointments in the province of West Kalimantan based on Government Regulation No. 13 of 2002 on Appointment of civil servants in structural positions. From the research we concluded that: The process of appointment of civil servants in the implementation of structural positions in Government of West Kalimantan province have generally been implemented in accordance with applicable regulations. However, when considering the competence official who possess it still does not meet the work requirements as set forth in jabatan.Penilaian analysis of performance such as quality of service, responsiveness, responsibility and accountability in general although there is an increase in performance, but has not been fully able to meet the expectations of a person to be considered in the appropriate positions. There has been no standard procedure in providing services and lack of discipline of civil servants still part barrier performance improvement. Another thing that also needs to get attention is the level of responsiveness in describing the services to the community at umumnya.Faktor affecting the implementation of the removal of structural officials in the province of West Kalimantan Based on Government Regulation No. 13 of 2002 on Appointment of civil servants in structural positions that the arrangement of structural positions within the government of West Kalimantan Province, using two methods, namely internal factors and internal factors. Internal factors namely Human Resource Quality in Procurement and Placement Team Position and orientation and bureaucracy. While external factors namely lack of supervision of the Society and Mass Media and Politics placement Public apparatus. Structuring recommendations structural positions in the provincial government of West Kalimantan Province should consistently use the merit system is substantially not only merely procedural. Then Baperjakat must be professional and proportionate in managing structural positions in the provincial government of West Kalimantan although under pressure, deposit and also special directives of the Governor and the Deputy Governor and the elites of other determinants. Therefore it is also necessary that the strictest controls internally tbaik the provincial government through the Provincial Inspectorate of2West Kalimantan and also the legislature (DPRD West Kalimantan) and supported as well as synergistic with the political infrastructure in Kalimantan Barat.Harus there is a strong commitment to implementing Government Regulation No. 13 of 2002 on Appointment of civil servants In structural positions that are expected to be better as it will consider the realization of the work that has been carried out by civil servants in accordance with the workload that has been given to him. Society as one of the supporters of the creation of good governance need to raise awareness for a more critical and active role in monitoring or controlling processes.ABSTRAKTesis ini membahas pelaksanaan pengangkatan pejabat struktural di lingkungan provinsi kalimantan barat berdasarkan Peraturan Pemerintah No. 13 Tahun 2002 Tentang Pengangkatan PNS Dalam Jabatan Struktural. Dari hasil penelitian diperoleh kesimpulan, bahwa : Proses pelaksanaan pengangkatan PNS dalam Jabatan Struktural di Pemerintahan Provinsi Kalimantan Barat secara umum telah dilaksanakan sesuai dengan ketentuan yang berlaku. Namun apabila memperhatikan kompetensi pejabat yang mendudukinya masih belum memenuhi persyaratan jabatan sebagaimana dikemukakan dalam analisis jabatan.Penilaian kinerja seperti kualitas pelayanan, responsivitas, responsibilitas dan akuntabilitas meskipun secara umum terdapat peningkatan kinerja namun belum sepenuhnya mampu memenuhi harapan layaknya seseorang untuk dipertimbangkan dalam jabatan. Belum terdapat prosedur standar dalam memberikan pelayanan dan kurang disiplinnya PNS masih merupakan bagian hambatan peningkatan kinerja. Hal lain yang juga perlu untuk mendapatkan perhatian adalah tingkat responsivitas dalam memerikan pelayanan kepada masyarakat pada umumnya.Faktor yang mempengaruhi pelaksanaan pengangkatan pejabat struktural di lingkungan Provinsi Kalimantan Barat Berdasarkan Peraturan Pemerintah No. 13 Tahun 2002 Tentang Pengangkatan PNS Dalam Jabatan Struktural bahwa pada Penataan jabatan struktural di lingkungan pemerintah Provinsi Kalimantan Barat menggunakan dua metode, yakni Faktor Internal dan faktor Internal. Faktor Internal yaitu Kualitas Sumber Daya Manusia dalam Tim Pengadaan dan Penempatan Jabatan dan Orientasi Birokras. Sedangkan faktor eksternal yakni Kurangnya pengawasan dari Masyarakat dan Media Massa dan Politik penempatan aparatur Publik. Rekomendasi Penataan jabatan struktural di lingkungan pemerintah Provinsi Provinsi Kalimantan Barat seharusnya konsisten menggunakan sistem merit secara substansial bukan hanyalah procedural semata. Kemudian Baperjakat harus professional dan proporsional dalam menata jabatan struktural di lingkungan pemerintah Provinsi Kalimantan Barat meskipun mendapat tekanan, titipan dan juga arahan khusus dari Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur serta elite-elite penentu lainnya. Oleh sebab itu juga diperlukan kontrol yang keta tbaik secara internal Pemprov melalui Inspektorat Provinsi Kalimantan Barat maupun juga lembaga legislatif (DPRD3Provinsi Kalimantan Barat) dan ditunjang serta sinergis dengan infrastruktur politik di Provinsi Kalimantan Barat.Harus ada komitmen yang kuat untuk melaksanakan Peraturan Pemerintah No. 13 Tahun 2002 Tentang Pengangkatan PNS Dalam Jabatan Struktural sehingga diharapkan lebih baik karena akan mempertimbangkan realisasi kerja yang telah dilakukan oleh PNS sesuai dengan beban kerja yang telah diberikan kepadanya. Masyarakat sebagai salah satu bagian pendukung terciptanya good governance perlu meningkatkan kesadaran untuk lebih kritis dan berperan aktif dalam proses pengawasan atau controlling .Kata Kunci: Pelaksanaan, Pengangkatan Pejabat, Struktural di Lingkungan Provinsi Kalimantan Barat.

On Wednesday the 11th of of May, I met with Deputy Prime Minister John Anderson to discuss the conclusions of this report. During our meeting, his senior policy adviser explained to me the role that Mr Anderson had played in the negotiations surrounding the National Water Initiative, and how, without the zeal of the Deputy Prime Minister, the agreement may not have come to fruition. At the outset, his adviser explained to me, senior Commonwealth public servants were of the opinion that a Deputy Prime Minister who wanted to talk water reform was simply a Deputy Prime Minister looking for more money for the bush. They were proven wrong, she claims, when Mr Anderson explained to the assembled group of experts just how such a scheme was to be achieved, what it would achieve, and how, despite their earlier opinion, this scheme was to benefit farmers and the rest of the nation simultaneously. Out of this desire, and that of the States to look at ways to secure a water future, the National Water Initiative was borne. Its achievements are significant, the most important of which is assigning property rights to a water title, thus ensuring farmers have a legal entitlement to water. The valuation of water that this achieves will doubtlessly lead to better efficiency throughout the system, and force users, whether they be farmers or domestic, to utilise a finite, valuable resource more wisely. The National Water Initiative was not a pyrrhic victory for the Commonwealth like the constitutional conventions had been for the States 103 years previous. It was the States who caused many of the water-related problems faced in Australia today, mainly by their refusal, quite obstinate in the case of New South Wales, to the premise of federal control for Australia's waterways. The most important river system in this country, the Murray-Darling, has tributaries which cross three State boundaries and one Territory. Other than the Border Rivers region of north-east New South Wales and Queensland and the Snowy River in south-eastern Australia, it is the only system in the country that undergoes regulation by more than one government; in the case of the Basin, four governments manage its affairs. This situation exists because the States were so short sighted and vote-hungry when it came to apportioning water licenses that they did not see the need to give the new Commonwealth Government the legislative control of rivers. Because of this, the States failed to establish a pure federal system, rather opting for populism over common sense. To this end, the States have every right to manage the rivers that flow within their State that do not have any impact upon other systems or States; it would be silly, for example, for the Commonwealth Government to regulate the Clarence River in northern New South Wales, or the Barwon River in Victoria. These two rivers do not flow into, or have any impact upon, any other State. However, given the size of the Murray-Darling Basin, and the number of jurisdictions which it covers, it is simply ludicrous that the management of such a system is not vested in one central authority. Currently, because of State-based management, the Murray-Darling Basin is stressed beyond simple repair. For example, the over-allocation of water licenses to suit political purposes in Australia's early federal history has resulted in allocation and pricing inequities. To overcome such inequities, there needs to be on over-arching body, capable of policy formulation, implementation and regulation. The Commonwealth Government is the only body able to do this, yet still be capable, should it so desire, to devolve power to more local authorities for "localised" management within a "national" framework with "national" standards. How can a resolution of this situation be achieved? The only possible way to wrest the power of water system management back from the States is to change the Constitution. This is not easy - in fact it would probably fail - but it is the only method by which federalism can be maintained as a tenet of Australian politics. The States have shown their willingness to work with the Commonwealth to achieve national standards and service improvements for water. They must now accept that the Commonwealth is the best manager of water systems across the Murray Darling Basin, and must be willing to cede such power to the Commonwealth. This is an important first step in improving the management structure of Australian waterways where a common interest is required. There is no more pressing issue in Australia than resolving one of the longest running disputes in Australian federal history. The time is now right for this sore-point of Australia's constitution to be reformed, and the true custodian of the power given it.

What is culture? Does culture necessitate protection? If so, can communications regulation offer the security needed to maintain a distinctive cultural identity? These are all significant questions that are facing a great number of states around the world. Within Australia, broadcasting regulatory policy takes the position that culture does require protection in order to preserve unique societal ideals. Under this philosophy, the Broadcasting Services Act 1992 seeks to provide a defence by imposing foreign and cross-media ownership restrictions. But as a new age of technology approaches, can the regulatory system of the past remain effective? The United Kingdom, Germany, and Canada are three countries in which this same issue is pertinent. Each of these states has taken on the task of regulating broadcasting in dissimilar fashions. Canada has imposed a series of Canadian produced content quotas with the intention of maintaining a prevalence of domestic viewpoints within terrestrial broadcasting. This system is analogous to the Australian model and has proven to be rather effective. Germany is a state in which foreigners are freely admitted into broadcasting ownership, and there are very few content quota requirements. Instead the use of market share restrictions has been implemented with a good deal of efficacy. German culture remains just as unique as any other. The United Kingdom offers yet another approach. In the UK, foreign ownership restriction applies only to terrestrial broadcasting, but not to persons from within the European Union. Co-production of content is encouraged as to benefit both foreign and domestic producers. In spite of the fact that the UK has a thriving satellite broadcasting industry which imports large quantities of foreign-made programming, uniqueness in culture perseveres. Globalization has been a major issue facing the world for many years. There have been an array of conceptual frameworks as to what effects globalization might yield, but none have been fully validated. The cultural/media imperialism framework has been accepted by a large number of people. The fears addressed by the Broadcasting Services Act 1992 correlate closely with this model. The cultural/media imperialism thesis assumes that a given culture has the capacity to dilute and eradicate other cultures through media channels. This argument has not been sufficiently proven. To the contrary there has been no indication that any one culture would have more of a tendency to adopt the ideals of another than the opposite. The cultural flows model of globalization takes a different stance. It asserts that a decrease in production costs caused by advancing technology has the capability of increasing the amount of active global communications participants. Furthermore, by the cultural flows model, this increase in participants would diversify what can be referred to as the emerging global culture. Regional identities would still flourish within a separate sphere of influence, but global culture would also thrive as a true melting pot. Technological advances, including the introduction of the World Wide Web have presented a serious problem to regulators around the world. This medium has yet to be effectively regulated. Foreign produced content has to this point avoided regulatory restrictions, and remains easily accessible. Convergence of technologies has made it possible for the Internet to be accessible through an array of devices. Digital television receivers, cellular telephones, and even refrigerators and other household appliances now have the capability to become Internet ports. Moreover, broadband Internet service has made it possible for newspapers, and television as well as radio broadcasters to post most of their productions online. This enables Internet users to access the content at their leisure. These technological realities have the potential to destabili ze regulatory bodies. Legitimate regulation must be fair and consistent. The Broadcasting Services Act 1992 places limitations on television broadcasting that are being undermined by the laxity of regulation in the Internet. If left unaddressed, this transparent inequality has the potential to render areas of government regulation inefficient and illegitimate. Since legitimacy is widely believed to be essential for stable governing, this would not be an a cceptable occurrence. In order to retain legitimacy in regulation, Australia must consider deregulating some areas of communications policy. As Canada, the UK, and Germany have demonstrated, retention of cultural identity is not contingent on communications regulation. Government and non-profit organizations could produce public broadcasting strongly oriented toward Australian culture. In the same tum, supplementary investment in Australian infrastructure by foreigners has the potential to benefit the Australian entertainment industry. Enhanced production capabilities would allow Australia to assert an active presence in the global arena without compromising traditional values. In this way, both domestic and international persons could benefit from a truly interdependent world.

Революційні події 2004 і 2014 рр. в Україні неоднаразово ставали і ставатимуть об'єктом досліджень політологів, економістів, соціологів, юристів; до них неодноразово зверталися і звертатимуться політики і громадські діячі. Цікавість до "помаранчевої" револбції і "революції гідності" з боку суспільства покликана, в першу чергу, через їх актуальність і вплив, які вони здійснюють на життя громадян. Часто методологічна помилка криється в тому, що події в Україні 2004-2014 рр. розглядають ізольовано, ніби вони були одномоментними актами, не пов'язаними або мало пов'язаними між собою. У статті здійснюється спроба віднайти ланцюг причинно-наслідкових зв'язків і розкрити приховану логіку подій; здійснено аналіз політичного життя України 2004-2014 рр. На нашу думку, головною революційною подією для незалежної України стали 1989-1991 роки, коли український народ заявив про своє бажання жити у вільній, демократичній, незалежній Україні. Революцію 2004 р. не можна назвати завершеною й досі, а Майдан-2013 став реакцією громадянського суспільства на провал реформ і контрреволюцію В. Януковича. Стара партноменклатура, яка зуміла залишитися при владі, і сформована "нова еліта", що долучилася до неї у 1990-ті рр., тяжіли до консервації радянського суспільного ладу. В той час як громадянське суспільство, що зміцніло у 2000-х, прагнуло розбудувати ліберальну демократію. Саме це громадянське суспільство голосно заявило про себе у 2004 р., привівши до влади В. Ющенка. Це ж громадянське суспільство повалило режим В. Януковича у 2014 р., коли він здійснив спробу реставрувати Радянську Україну у складі Таможенного Союзу і відмовитись від євроінтеграції. ; Революционные события 2004 и 2014 гг. в Украине неоднократно становились и становятся объектом исследований политологов, экономистов, социологов, юристов; к ним неоднократно обращались и будут обращаться политики и общественные деятели. Интерес к "оранжевой" революции и "революции достоинства" со стороны общества вызван, в первую очередь, их актуальностью и влиянием, которую они осуществляют на жизнь граждан. Часто методологическая ошибка кроется в том, что события в Украине 2004-2014 гг. рассматривают изолированно, будто они были сиюминутными актами, не связанными или мало связанными между собой. В статье предпринимается попытка найти цепь причинно-следственных связей и раскрыть скрытую логику событий; осуществлен анализ политической жизни Украины 2004-2014 гг. По нашему мнению, главным революционным событием для независимой Украины стали 1989-1991 гг., когда украинский народ заявил о своем желании жить в свободной, демократической, независимой Украине. Революцию 2004 г. нельзя назвать завершенной до сих пор, а Майдан-2013 стал реакцией гражданского общества на провал реформ м контрреволюцию В. Януковича. Старая партноменклатура, которая сумела остаться при власти, и примкнувшая к ней "новая элита", сформированная в 1990-е гг., стремились к консервации советского общественного строя. В то время как гражданское общество, которое окрепло в 2000-х, стремилось к развитию либеральной демократии. Именно это гражданское общество во всеуслышание заявило о себе в 2004 г., привело к власти В. Ющенко. Это же гражданское общество низложило режим В. Януковича в 2014 г., когда он предпринял попытку реставрировать Советскую Украину в составе Таможенного Союза и отказаться от евроинтеграции. ; Dramatic social upheavals of 2004 and 2014 have more than once become - and will be in the future - the subject of studies for political scientists, economists, sociologists and lawyers. Politicians and public figures have been and will be turning to the events of those years over and over again. Undoubtedly, such interest to the so-called Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity is primarily caused by their relevance and the impact they make on the lives of Ukrainian citizens. Often the methodological error is caused by the fact that the events in Ukraine in 2004-2014 are considered in isolation as if they were single-standing, completely unrelated or weakly connected events. This article analyses the political life of Ukraine in 2004-2014 and attempts to find a chain of causation and reveal the hidden logic of the events. In our opinion, the main revolutionary event for independent Ukraine was the years 1989 to 1991, when the Ukrainian people stated their desire to live in a free, democratic and independent country. Revolution of 2004 cannot be considered finished even now, and Maidan-2013 was a reaction of the civil society to the failure of the reforms and counter-revolution of V. Yanukovych. The old party leadership, which has managed to stay in power, and the recently formed the "new elite", which joined the old one in the 1990s, had their minds set on the preservation of the Soviet social order. Meanwhile, the civil society, which got firmly established in the 2000s, sought to build a liberal democracy. It was the civil society that showed its worth in 2004 by bringing V. Yushchenko to power. The same civil society overthrew the regime of V. Yanukovych in 2014 when he attempted to restore Soviet Ukraine as a part of the Customs Union and abandon European integration.

Революційні події 2004 і 2014 рр. в Україні неодноразово ставали і ставатимуть об'єктом досліджень політологів, економістів, соціологів, юристів; до них неодноразово зверталися і звертатимуться політики і громадські діячі. Цікавість до «помаранчевої» революції і «революції гідності» з боку суспільства покликана, в першу чергу, через їх актуальність і вплив, які вони здійснюють на життя громадян. Часто методологічна помилка криється в тому, що події в Україні 2004-2014 рр. розглядають ізольовано, ніби вони були одномоментними актами, не пов'язаними або мало пов'язаними між собою. У статті здійснюється спроба віднайти ланцюг причинно-наслідкових зв'язків і розкрити приховану логіку подій; здійснено аналіз політичного життя України 2004-2014 рр. На нашу думку, головною революційною подією для незалежної України стали 1989-1991 роки, коли український народ заявив про своє бажання жити у вільній, демократичній, незалежній Україні. Революцію 2004 р. не можна назвати завершеною й досі, а Майдан-2013 став реакцією громадянського суспільства на провал реформ і контрреволюцію В. Януковича. Стара патрноменклатура, яка зуміла залишитися при владі, і сформована «нова еліта», що долучилася до неї у 1990-ті рр., тяжіли до консервації радянського суспільного ладу. В той час як громадянське суспільство, що зміцніло у 2000-х, прагнуло розбудувати ліберальну демократію. Саме це громадянське суспільство голосно заявило про себе у 2004 р., привівши до влади В. Ющенка. Це ж громадянське суспільство повалило режим В. Януковича у 2014 р., коли від здійснив спробу реставрувати Радянську Україну у складі Таможенного Союзу і відмовитись від євроінтеграції. ; Революционные события 2004 и 2014 гг. в Украине неоднократно становились и становятся объектом исследований политологов, экономистов, социологов, юристов; к ним неоднократно обращались и будут обращаться политики и общественные деятели. Интерес к «оранжевой» революции и «революции достоинства со стороны общества вызван, в первую очередь, их актуальностью и влияние, которые они осуществляют на жизнь граждан. Часто методологическая ошибка кроется в том, что события в Украине 2004–2014 гг. рассматривают изолированно, будто они были сиюминутными актами, не связанными или мало связанными между собой. В статье предпринимается попытка найти цепь причинно-следственных связей и раскрыть скрытую логику событий; осуществлен анализ политической жизни Украины 2004–2014 гг. По нашему мнению, главным революционным событием для независимой Украины стали 1989–1991 гг., когда украинский народ заявил о своем желании жить в свободной, демократической, независимой Украине. Революцию 2004 г. нельзя назвать завершенной до сих пор, а Майдан-2013 стал реакцией гражданского общества на провал реформ и контрреволюцию Януковича. Старая патрноменклатура, которая сумела остаться при власти, и примкнувшая к ней «новая элита», сформированная в 1990-е гг., стремились к консервации советского общественного строя. В то время как гражданское общество, которое окрепло в 2000-х, стремилось к развитию либеральной демократии. Именно это гражданское общество во всеуслышание заявило о себе в 2004 г., привело к власти В. Ющенко. Это же гражданское общество низложило режим В. Януковича в 2014 г., когда он предпринял попытку реставрировать Советскую Украину в составе Таможенного Союза и отказаться от евроинтеграции. ; Dramatic social upheavals of 2004 and 2014 have more than once become — and will be in the future — the subject of studies for political scientists, economists, sociologists and lawyers. Politicians and public figures have been and will be turning to the events of those years over and over again. Undoubtedly, such interest to the so called Orange Revolution and the Revolution of Dignity is primarily caused by their relevance and the impact they make on the lives of Ukrainian citizens. Often methodological error is caused by the fact that the events in Ukraine in 2004—2014 are considered in isolation, as if they were single-standing, completely unrelated or weakly connected events. This article analyzes the political life of Ukraine in 2004—2014 and attempts to find a chain of causation and reveal the hidden logic of the events. In our opinion, the main revolutionary event for independent Ukraine were the years 1989 to 1991, when the Ukrainian people stated their desire to live in a free, democratic and independent country. Revolution of 2004 cannot be considered finished even now, and Maidan-2013 was a reaction of the civil society to the failure of the reform and counter-revolution of V. Yanukovych. The old party leadership, which has managed to stay in power, and the recently formed the «new elite», which joined the old one in the 1990s, had their minds set on the preservation of the Soviet social order. Meanwhile the civil society, which got firmly established in the 2000s, sought to build a liberal democracy. It was the civil society that showed its worth in 2004 by bringing V. Yushchenko to power. The same civil society overthrew the regime of V. Yanukovych in 2014, when he attempted to restore the Soviet Ukraine as a part of the Customs Union and abandon European integration.

The study communication processes within modern political parties is impossible without establishing the basic principles of the party. Throughout the history of political parties of their organizational structure has undergone great changes. In modern developed democratic countries, political party structure consists of a number of different interest groups and pressure.Despite the common association ideological, social and political objectives and interests of these groups within the political parties are trying to fiht and compete for leadership in the policy-making process.The most important internal feature of modern political parties is forming the system of coordination of interests within the party. First of all this is achieved by creating a system of communication interaction interest groups, the party elite and counter-elite. The relationship between these elements of the party depends largely on the existing system of party discipline, party ethics and the existing hierarchical system of interaction between the party leadership and «ordinary» members of the party, between central hierarchical structures of the party and the local, between party members included in the various parliamentary and governmental and nonparliamentary groups within the party and so on.Ensure optimal form of inner communication is the formation of interest groups Institute of party democracy. In most developed countries, certain elements of party democracy established by law. Similar rules exist in the legislation of Germany, Italy, Spain, Greece, Albania, Andorra, Armenia, France, Romania, Czech Republic and Portugal. Internal party democracy is not threatened by party discipline and intervention of public authorities in the hierarchical and organizational features of inner communication. A clear manifestation of internal party democratization process of interaction is the introduction of «primaries» (internal party elections). This allows you to adjust the relationship between interest groups within political parties without increased competition for leadership and possible negative consequences (such as the collapse of the party). ; Исследование коммуникационных процессов внутри современных политических партий невозможно без установления основных принципов организации партии.На протяжении истории развития политических партий их организационная структура претерпела большие изменения. В современных развитых демократических странах структура политической партии состоит из определенного количества различных группинтересов и давления. Несмотря на объединенность совместными идеологическим, соцальным и политическими целями и интересами, эти группы внутри политической партии пытаются бороться за лидерство и конкурируют в процессе принятия политических решений.Важнейшей внутренней функцией современной политической партии является формирование системы согласования интересов внутри партии. Прежде всего это достигается с помощью создания системы коммуникационного взаимодействия групп интересов, партийной элиты и контрэлиты. Взаимоотношения между этими элементами полтической партии во многом зависит от сложившейся системы партийной дисциплины, партийной этики и существующей иерархической системы взаимодействия между партийной верхушкой и «рядовыми» членами партии, между центральными иерархическими структурами партии и местными, между членами партии, которые входят в различные парламентские и правительственные структуры и внепарламентскими группами внутри партии и др.Оптимальной формой обеспечения внутрипартийной коммуникации групп интересов является становление института партийной демократии. В большинстве развитых стран определенные элементы партийной демократии устанавливаются на законодательном уровне. Подобные нормы существуют в законодательстве Германии, Италии Испании, Греции, Албании, Андорры, Армении, Франции, Румынии, Чехии, Португалии. Внутрипартийная демократия не угрожает партийной дисциплине и вмешательству государственных органов власти в иерархические и организационные особенности внутрипартийной коммуникации. Ярким проявлением процесса демократизации внутрипартийного взаимодействия является внедрение «праймериз» (внутрипартийных выборов).Это позволяет регулировать взаимоотношения групп интересов внутри политических партий без обострения конкурентной борьбы за лидерство и возможных негативных последствий (например, распада партии). ; Дослідження комунікаційних процесів всередині сучасних політичнихпартій неможливе без встановлення основних принципів організації партії. Протягомісторії розвитку політичних партій їх організаційна структура зазнала великих змін. Всучасних розвинених демократичних країнах структура політичної партії складаєтьсяз певної кількості різноманітних груп інтересів та тиску. Незважаючи на об'єднаністьспільними ідеологічним, соціальними та політичними цілями і інтересами ці гру -пи всередині політичної партії намагаються боротися за лідерство та конкурують впроцесі прийняття політичних рішень.Найважливішою внутрішньою функцією сучасної політичної партії є формуваннясистеми узгодження інтересів всередині партії. Перш за все це досягається за допо -могою створення системи комунікаційної взаємодії груп інтересів, партійної еліти таконтреліти. Взаємовідносини між цими елементами політичної партії багато в чомузалежить від сформованої системи партійної дисципліни, партійної етики та існуючоїієрархічної системи взаємодії між партійної верхівкою та «рядовими» членами партії,між центральними ієрархічними структурами партії та місцевими, між членами партії,які входять до різноманітних парламентських та урядових структур та позапарла -ментськими групами всередині партії та ін.Оптимальною формою забезпечення внутріпартійної комунікації груп інтересів є ста -новлення інституту партійної демократії. В більшості розвинених країн певні елементипартійної демократії встановлюються на законодавчому рівні. Подібні норми існуютьв законодавстві Німеччини, Італії, Іспанії, Греції, Албанії, Андорри, Вірменії, Франції,Румунії, Чехії, Португалії. Внутрішньопартійна демократія не загрожує партійнійдисципліні та втручанню державних органів влади в ієрархічні та організаційніособливості внутріпартійної комунікації. Яскравим проявом процесу демократизаціївнутрішньопартійної взаємодії є впровадження «праймеріз» (внутрішньопартійнихвиборів). Це дозволяє регулювати взаємовідносини груп інтересів всередині політичнихпартій без загострення конкурентної боротьби за лідерство та можливих негативнихнаслідків (наприклад, розпаду партії).

Задача: Целью написания настоящей статьи является раскрытие сущности и содержания принципа независимости прокуратуры, значения данного принципа в организации деятельности ее органов, для выполнения поставленных перед ними задач. Данному вопросу посвящено достаточно большое количество научных трудов и публикаций, однако их большая часть относится к переходному периоду становления российского государства в 90-х годах прошлого столетия. Проблеме независимости прокуратуры уделено внимание в работах Мельникова Н.В., Рохлина В.И., Скуратова Ю.И., Савицкого В.М., Калмыкова Ю.Х., Точиловского В.Н. и др. Над данной темой трудились и иностранные авторы, применительно к организации прокурорского надзора в их родных государствах: Номейлер М., Фумиюми Ватанабе, Ли Ван Кан и др. Модель: В качестве предмета исследования были выбраны положения статьи 129 Конституции РФ и Федерального закона от 17.01.1992 N 2202-1 "О прокуратуре Российской Федерации", регулирующие вопросы независимости органов прокуратуры. С целью выявления закономерностей исторического развития принципа независимости прокуратуры на различных этапах становления российской государственности, а также выявления общих черт в организации и деятельности прокуратуры Российской Федерации и иностранных государств были применены исторически-правовой и сравнительно-правовой методы. Выводы: В результате проведенного исследования выявлена закономерность между реализацией принципа независимости органов прокуратуры и эффективностью выполнения ставящихся перед ними задача. Установлено, что в той или иной степени данный принцип характерен для различных моделей построения прокуратуры, в том числе, в которых органы прокуратуры включены в систему судебной или исполнительной власти. Высказано предложение о необходимости укрепления принципа независимости органов прокуратуры, регламентации их деятельности на уровне Федерального конституционного закона. Практическое значение: Научная работа может быть использована в последующем с целью обоснования изменения порядка назначения прокуроров субъектов РФ, а также повышения законодательного уровня регламентирования организации и деятельности прокуратуры. Социальные последствия: Исторический опыт показывает, что в случае реализации на практике предложений по укреплению принципа независимости органов прокуратуры, повышению их статуса и авторитета путем принятия соответствующего Федерального конституционного закона повысится эффективность прокурорского надзора, что положительным образом отразится на состоянии законности и правопорядка в обществе. Ценность: Настоящая работа ориентирована на широкий круг общественности, призвана обратить внимание законодателей на необходимость укрепления роли прокуратуры в системе государственной власти как важного элемента системы сдержек и противовесов. Новизна работы заключается в том, что принцип независимости прокуратуры рассматривается под различными углами, выводы основываются как на опыте зарубежных стран, так и на истории развития данного института в России ; Objective: the purpose of writing this article is to disclose the essence and content of the independence of Procuracy, its impact on the organization of its work and on the performance of its tasks. This issue is mentioned in a large number of scientific papers and publications, but most of them belong to the transition period of formation of the Russian State in the 90-ies of the last century. The problem of the independence of Procuracy is studied in the works of Melnikov N.V, Rokhlin V.I., Skuratov, V.N., Savitsky V.M., Kalmykov Y. H., Tochilovskiy V.N., Y.k., etc. The problem is also mentioned in the works of foreign authors, who studied it on the basis of the organization of the procuracy supervision in their own countries: Nomejler M., Fumijumi Watanabe, Lee van Kan and others. Model: as a subject of study we chose the regulations of article 129 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation and federal law № 2202 dated by January 1-st, 1992 "On the Procuracy of the Russian Federation" dealing with the independence of Procuracy. In order to identify the patterns of historical development of the principle of the independence of Procuracy at various stages of Russian history, and to point out common features in the Organization and functioning of Procuracy in the Russian Federation and foreign countries we applied law-history and law comparative methods. Conclusion: During the study we found a definite pattern between the realization of the principle of the independence of Procuracy and the effectiveness of the realization of the actions standing before them. We found that in one way or another, this principle is typical for different models of Procuracy, among them ones, including Procuracy in the system of the Judicial or Executive power. We suggest that the principle of independence of Procuracy should be strengthened and its activities be regulated at the Federal Constitutional law level. Social impact: historical experience shows that implementing the projects on strengthening of the independence of Procuracy, raising its status and authority through the adoption of Federal Constitutional laws will increase its efficiency, which would have a positive impact on the legacy in the State and order in the society. Value: the given work is targeted on a wide range of public. It is intended to draw attention of legislators to strengthening the role of Procuracy in the system of Government as an important element of the system of checks and balances. The novelty lies in the fact that the principle of the independence of Procuracy is studied from different angles; the conclusions are based on both the experience of foreign countries and the history of this institution in Russia

This thesis identifies and characterizes urban challenges and analyzes springs metropolitan governance. It follows from the analysis of the mechanism of urban development that several processes have contributed to metropolisation Cotonou. First, colonization transformed the once village town while the transfer of skills caused by independence contributed in a second time to shape the urban complex. Democratization of Benin and the process of decentralization in turn gave birth to the metropolis cotonoise along a continuous band of forty miles. The analysis of these mutations revealed that ultimately urban challenges are technical, economic, organizational and methodological concern both the morphology and anatomy of the city. The implementation uncontrolled populations in areas unfavorable then seems to aggravate the deficit successful planning while funding sawtooth urban services disrupts the social equilibrium and degrades the urban adaptability. The magnitude of the issues identified thus requires emergency therapy and hence auscultation of several possible solutions for improving decisions and urban actions. The use of urban engineering practices helped to highlight the skills of all authors and beneficiaries of local public action is a resource capitalizable municipal management. In this process, the need to identify and solve problems through collective repository of common actions led to governance as a point of action. The use of this concept in all directions also forced to replay as well as its history of its foundation and its practices. In this sense, the exploration of different forms of participation has not revealed the information literacy as main criticism urban collective action. Improving the acquisition and dissemination of knowledge necessary for a decision is the path identified to ensure a fair knowledge of topics to discuss. This paved the way for the instrumentation of the governance practices of several experiments. The analysis of these tools of urban governance has entered the obligation observation urban challenges over a long period to track the various trends and thus provide an information base for serious decision. Aware of the multiplicity of urban observation techniques and the delicacy of their effectiveness, the implementation of methodological reflection has led to a conceptual model and a functional model for the operationalization of the observatory of urban change in Cotonou. ; Cette thèse identifie et caractérise les défis urbains et analyse les ressorts de la gouvernance métropolitaine. Ainsi, de l'analyse du mécanisme de l'évolution urbaine, il se dégage plusieurs processus qui ont contribué à la métropolisation de Cotonou. En premier lieu, la colonisation transforma le jadis village en ville alors que les transferts de compétences engendrés par les indépendances ont contribué dans un second temps à façonner le système urbain complexe. La démocratisation du Bénin ainsi que le processus de décentralisation ont quant à eux donné naissance à la métropole cotonoise longeant une bande continue d'une quarantaine de kilomètres. L'analyse de ces mutations révèle in fine que les défis urbains sont d'ordre technique, économique, méthodologique et organisationnel et concernent aussi bien la morphologie que l'anatomie de la ville. L'implantation anarchique des populations dans des zones défavorables semble alors aggraver le déficit de succès de la planification alors que le financement en dents de scie des services urbains désorganise l'équilibre social et dégrade les capacités d'adaptation urbaine. L'ampleur des enjeux identifiés nécessite donc une thérapie d'urgence et de là vient l'auscultation de plusieurs pistes de solution pour l'amélioration des décisions et actions urbaines. Le recours aux pratiques de l'ingénierie urbaine et de l'intelligence territoriale a permis de mettre en évidence que les compétences de tous les auteurs et bénéficiaires de l'action publique locale sont une ressource capitalisable du management municipal. Dans cette dynamique, la nécessité d'identification et de résolution collective des problèmes grâce à un référentiel d'actions communes a conduit à pointer la gouvernance comme mode d'action. L'utilisation tous azimuts de ce concept a aussi obligé à la relecture aussi bien de son histoire que de ses fondements et de ses pratiques. Dans ce sens, l'exploration des différentes formes de participation a révélé la non maitrise de l'information urbaine comme principal reproche à l'action collective. L'amélioration de l'acquisition et la diffusion des connaissances indispensables à la décision est le chemin identifié pour assurer une connaissance équitable des sujets à débattre. Ceci a ouvert la voie à l'instrumentation de la gouvernance par l'expérimentation de plusieurs pratiques. L'analyse de ces outils de gouvernance urbaine a conclu à l'obligation d'observation des défis urbains sur une longue période afin de retracer les différentes tendances et de fournir ainsi, une base informationnelle sérieuse pour la décision. Conscient de la multiplicité des techniques d'observation urbaine et de la délicatesse de leur efficacité, la concrétisation de la réflexion méthodologique a engendré un modèle conceptuel ainsi qu'un modèle fonctionnel pour l'opérationnalisation de l'observatoire des mutations urbaines de Cotonou. ; (BAUR - Art de bâtir et urbanisme) -- UCL, 2013

This thesis identifies and characterizes urban challenges and analyzes springs metropolitan governance. It follows from the analysis of the mechanism of urban development that several processes have contributed to metropolisation Cotonou. First, colonization transformed the once village town while the transfer of skills caused by independence contributed in a second time to shape the urban complex. Democratization of Benin and the process of decentralization in turn gave birth to the metropolis cotonoise along a continuous band of forty miles. The analysis of these mutations revealed that ultimately urban challenges are technical, economic, organizational and methodological concern both the morphology and anatomy of the city. The implementation uncontrolled populations in areas unfavorable then seems to aggravate the deficit successful planning while funding sawtooth urban services disrupts the social equilibrium and degrades the urban adaptability. The magnitude of the issues identified thus requires emergency therapy and hence auscultation of several possible solutions for improving decisions and urban actions. The use of urban engineering practices helped to highlight the skills of all authors and beneficiaries of local public action is a resource capitalizable municipal management. In this process, the need to identify and solve problems through collective repository of common actions led to governance as a point of action. The use of this concept in all directions also forced to replay as well as its history of its foundation and its practices. In this sense, the exploration of different forms of participation has not revealed the information literacy as main criticism urban collective action. Improving the acquisition and dissemination of knowledge necessary for a decision is the path identified to ensure a fair knowledge of topics to discuss. This paved the way for the instrumentation of the governance practices of several experiments. The analysis of these tools of urban governance has entered the obligation observation urban challenges over a long period to track the various trends and thus provide an information base for serious decision. Aware of the multiplicity of urban observation techniques and the delicacy of their effectiveness, the implementation of methodological reflection has led to a conceptual model and a functional model for the operationalization of the observatory of urban change in Cotonou. ; Cette thèse identifie et caractérise les défis urbains et analyse les ressorts de la gouvernance métropolitaine. Ainsi, de l'analyse du mécanisme de l'évolution urbaine, il se dégage plusieurs processus qui ont contribué à la métropolisation de Cotonou. En premier lieu, la colonisation transforma le jadis village en ville alors que les transferts de compétences engendrés par les indépendances ont contribué dans un second temps à façonner le système urbain complexe. La démocratisation du Bénin ainsi que le processus de décentralisation ont quant à eux donné naissance à la métropole cotonoise longeant une bande continue d'une quarantaine de kilomètres. L'analyse de ces mutations révèle in fine que les défis urbains sont d'ordre technique, économique, méthodologique et organisationnel et concernent aussi bien la morphologie que l'anatomie de la ville. L'implantation anarchique des populations dans des zones défavorables semble alors aggraver le déficit de succès de la planification alors que le financement en dents de scie des services urbains désorganise l'équilibre social et dégrade les capacités d'adaptation urbaine. L'ampleur des enjeux identifiés nécessite donc une thérapie d'urgence et de là vient l'auscultation de plusieurs pistes de solution pour l'amélioration des décisions et actions urbaines. Le recours aux pratiques de l'ingénierie urbaine et de l'intelligence territoriale a permis de mettre en évidence que les compétences de tous les auteurs et bénéficiaires de l'action publique locale sont une ressource capitalisable du management municipal. Dans cette dynamique, la nécessité d'identification et de résolution collective des problèmes grâce à un référentiel d'actions communes a conduit à pointer la gouvernance comme mode d'action. L'utilisation tous azimuts de ce concept a aussi obligé à la relecture aussi bien de son histoire que de ses fondements et de ses pratiques. Dans ce sens, l'exploration des différentes formes de participation a révélé la non maitrise de l'information urbaine comme principal reproche à l'action collective. L'amélioration de l'acquisition et la diffusion des connaissances indispensables à la décision est le chemin identifié pour assurer une connaissance équitable des sujets à débattre. Ceci a ouvert la voie à l'instrumentation de la gouvernance par l'expérimentation de plusieurs pratiques. L'analyse de ces outils de gouvernance urbaine a conclu à l'obligation d'observation des défis urbains sur une longue période afin de retracer les différentes tendances et de fournir ainsi, une base informationnelle sérieuse pour la décision. Conscient de la multiplicité des techniques d'observation urbaine et de la délicatesse de leur efficacité, la concrétisation de la réflexion méthodologique a engendré un modèle conceptuel ainsi qu'un modèle fonctionnel pour l'opérationnalisation de l'observatoire des mutations urbaines de Cotonou. ; (BAUR - Art de bâtir et urbanisme) -- UCL, 2013

Services based on information technology in public and private sectors are growing. Therefore, the energy demand is more and more important to supply computer equipments within organizations and data-centers. So, environmental impacts of ICT are mostly "delocalised" and "invisible" from the end user.Gradually, the environmental issue takes place in the sector of information technology resulting in the new concept of the "Green IT". Nowadays, designers and users are seeking to assess the environmental impacts of information technology. In a context of environmental assessment for decision-making, the objective of this thesis is to assess the environmental impacts of devices of an organization. For this, we consider an approach to combine a product LCA approach with an inventory of data specific to a site.Literature searches have highlighted the specific and methodological needs in terms of impact assessment. Thus, a methodology for the expression of local and global environmental impacts associated with the production and use stages of information technology present within an organization is proposed. Applied in a partnership with a multinational society and validated by its application in a research laboratory, this methodology centralizes both generic data available in databases and specific data collected from users of the organization studied. This phase, key point of the methodology, provides firstly an inventory of present equipments and secondly the knowledge and comprehension of the actual behavior of users by the way of both a survey plus power and electric consumption measurements of representative equipments of the panel inventoried (use of acquisition boxes of values known as "energy meter").The environmental assessment approach developed in this work aims to highlight the environmental impact of the information technology's equipments within an organization. One of the main results shows that the most environmental impacts are due to the production phase than the use phase. Moreover, the method helps to identify areas for improvement: selection and equipment management, individual behavior, usage policy, choice of an eco-friendly policy. So, by a calculation of eco-efficiency involving environmental and economic gains, solutions responding to the development strategy of the organization studied can be selected. ; Les services basés sur les technologies de l'information dans les secteurs publics et privés sont en pleine croissance. Par conséquent, la demande énergétique est de plus en plus importante pour alimenter les équipements informatiques au sein des établissements utilisateurs et dans les data-centres. A cette phase de consommation, facilement identifiable par les utilisateurs, s'ajoute la phase de production des équipements dont les conséquences sur l'environnement sont difficilement perceptibles par les utilisateurs. Ainsi, les impacts environnementaux des TIC paraissent principalement « délocalisés » et « invisibles » par rapport à l'utilisateur final.Progressivement, l'enjeu environnemental prend sa place dans la logique du secteur des technologies de l'information, aboutissant au concept de « Green IT ». Concepteurs et utilisateurs cherchent désormais à évaluer les impacts environnementaux des technologies de l'information. Dans un contexte d'évaluation environnementale pour l'aide à la décision, l'objectif de cette thèse est d'évaluer les impacts environnementaux des équipements informatiques d'une organisation. Pour cela, nous envisageons une démarche qui vise à enrichir l'approche produit de type ACV par l'ajout de données spécifiques à l'organisation étudiée.Les recherches bibliographiques ont permis de dégager les spécificités et les besoins méthodologiques en termes d'évaluation des impacts. Ainsi, une méthodologie permettant l'expression des impacts environnementaux locaux et planétaires liés à la fabrication et à l'utilisation des technologies de l'information au sein d'une organisation est proposée. Appliquée lors d'un partenariat avec une entreprise multinationale de la grande distribution et validée par son application dans un centre de recherche, cette méthodologie centralise à la fois des données génériques disponibles dans des bases de données et des données spécifiques recueillies auprès des utilisateurs de l'organisation étudiée. Cette étape de terrain, point central de la méthodologie, permet dans un premier temps d'obtenir l'inventaire des équipements présents et dans un second temps de connaître et de comprendre le comportement réel des utilisateurs via une enquête et des mesures de puissances et de consommations électriques des équipements représentatifs du panel inventorié (utilisation de boitiers d'acquisition de valeurs dits « économètre »).L'approche d'évaluation environnementale des systèmes informatiques développée au cours de ce travail a pour objectif de mettre en exergue les répercussions sur l'environnement que peuvent avoir les technologies de l'information au sein d'une organisation. Un des résultats principaux montre que la majorité des impacts environnementaux sont plus liés à la phase de production qu'à la phase d'utilisation. De plus, cette méthode aide à l'identification des pistes d'améliorations : choix et gestion des équipements, comportement individuel, charte d'utilisation, choix d'une politique éco-responsable… Ainsi, par un calcul d'éco-efficience mettant en jeu les gains environnementaux et économiques, les solutions répondant à la stratégie de développement de l'organisation étudiée peuvent être sélectionnées.

Telegrams exchanged between Gen. Plutarco Elías Calles and the following people: private citizens, Commanders of Military Operations, Mayors, the president of the Socialist Union of residents of the former racetrack in Peralvillo, Workers of Graphic Shops, the president of the Board of Material Improvements of the Magdalena Mixuca Colony, Governors, Military Commanders, the president of the Board of Material Improvements of the Labor Colony, the Portal Santo Domingo Typists Union, the Board of Material Improvements of the Balbuena Colony, Mayors, the president of the Socialist party of the South East, the president of the National Chamber of Commerce from Guanajuato, the Business Delegate of the state of Zacatecas, the Alliance of Mexican truck drivers, the president of the Peasant and Workers Party and the Acción Poblana Party, the president of the branch party of Resistance from Tenosique, Tabasco, the Francisco J. Múgica Union, the Lombardía Union, the El Huaco Farmers Community and the Urecho Farmers Community from Michoacán, the Socialist Party of the Border from Ciudad Victoria, Tamaulipas and the League of Agrarian Communities, the Acción Poblana Party, the Confederation of Socialist Leagues of Oaxaca, the Union of Trucks rentals owners and associates from Puebla and the League of Chauffeurs and car owners. The aforementioned telegrams concern replies of acknowledgement, scheduling appointments, requests for mediation in election processes, a request to reinstate Architect Guillermo Zárraga as Head of Urban Services and Public Works, a request to not be removed from the position of Commander of the Guard in Tijuana, a request for supporting the appointment of Mr. Samaniego as Manager of the Graphic Shops, , requests for meetings, endorsement of Gen. Plurtarco Elías Calles on the occasion of Abelardo Rodríguez' appointment as president, requests for the reinstatement of Vicente Estrada Cajigal as Head of the Central Department, a petition demanding the ban on the import of American wheat because it would negatively impact the Mexican market and industry, election issues in Durango, Puebla, and Guerrero, a notice of the murders committed by Cristeros in Aguascalientes, a request for submitting stationery, requests for employment and support of not being removed from jobs, an invitation to the inauguration of a stadium in Torreón, Coahuila, a request to repeal the tax imposed on the transportation, a notice on persecutions and violation of guaranties committed against stakeholders and customers of the League of Chauffeurs and car owners from Ciudad Victoria, Tamaulipas. / Telegramas entre el Gral. PEC, particulares, Jefes de Operaciones Militares, Presidentes de Comités Municipales, Presidente de la Unión Socialista de Colonos del Ex-Hipódromo de Peralvillo, Trabajadores de los Talleres Gráficos, Presidente de la Junta de Mejoras Materiales de la Colonia Magdalena Mixuca, Gobernadores, Comandantes Militares, Presidente de la Junta de Mejoras de la Colonia Obrera, Unión de Mecanógrafos Portal Santo Domingo, Junta de Mejoras Colonia Balbuena, Presidentes Municipales, Presidente del Partido Socialista del Sureste, Presidente de la Cámara Nacional de Comercio de Guanajuato, representante comercial del estado de Zacatecas, Alianza de Camioneros de México, Presidente del Partido Campesino y Obrero y Partido Acción Poblana, Presidente de Sucursal Resistencia en Tenosique, Tab.; Sindicato Francisco J. Múgica, Sindicato Lombardía, Comunidad Agraria El Huaco y Comunidad Agraria Urecho de Michoacán, Partido Socialista Fronterizo de Ciudad Victoria, Tamps. y Liga de Comunidades Agrarias, Partido Acción Poblana, Confederación de Ligas Socialistas de Oaxaca, Sindicato de Propietarios de Camiones de Alquiler y Similares de Puebla y Liga de Choferes y Propietarios de Automóviles, acerca de: respuestas de enterado, asignaciones de audiencias, solicitudes de intervención en procesos electorales, solicitud de reinstalación del Arq. Guillermo Zárraga como Director de Servicios Urbanos y Obras Públicas, solicitud de ayuda para no ser removido del cargo de Comandante de Resguardo en Tijuana, solicitud de apoyo para que se designe al Sr. Samaniego como Director de los Talleres Gráficos, solicitudes de audiencia, adhesiones al Gral. PEC con motivo de la designación de Abelardo Rodríguez como Presidente, solicitudes para que se reinstale a Vicente Estrada Cajigal como Jefe del Departamento Central, petición de que se impida la importación de trigo americano ya que perjudicaría al comercio e industria mexicana, problemas electorales en Durango, Puebla y Guerrero, notificación de asesinatos perpetrados por cristeros en Aguascalientes, solicitud de remisión de papelería, solicitudes de empleo y ayuda para no ser removidos, invitación para inauguración de estadio en Torreón, Coah.; solicitud de derogación de impuesto sobre transportes, notificación de persecusiones y violaciones de garantías de socios y consumidores de la Liga de Choferes y Propietarios de Automóviles de Ciudad Victoria, Tamps.

*Bayartsengel Damdinjav, Chuck Davis, Steven Jones, Zach Long, Claudia Risner, Sydney Sheppard, Christina Slentz Climate change is the global challenge of the twenty-first century, a threat that carries dire environmental, social, security, and economic implications for every region of the world. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the primary driver of climate change is the increase in greenhouse gas emissions attributed to human activities. Although climate change must be met with a comprehensive global response in order to effectively address the effects of harmful greenhouse gases (GHG), these efforts depend on the actions taking place within nations. The United States, the greatest per-capita emitter of GHG, and China, that produces the largest amount of GHG overall, bear a good deal of responsibility for the problem. The United States, in particular, with its rejection of the Kyoto Protocol and its inability to craft a viable climate change agenda, has failed to offer the leadership needed to secure meaningful reductions in GHG. This essay seeks to establish perspective by profiling the political, social, and economic circumstances within six nations (three advanced industrial countries and three newly modernizing countries) and the European Union (EU) in order to better understand the dynamics involved in achieving a global solution to climate change.Case Studies1.- European UnionThe European Union has led the push for climate change regulationsto curb emissions 30% by 2030 and 80%-95% by 2050. To reach that goal, it has invested significant funds targetting 20% of the EU budget from 2014-2020 towards climate related measures. The EU believes that climate change policies will not only preserve the planet for generations to come but will also create greater long-term health and economic benefits. This position can be attributed to the lack of politicization of climate change in the EU allowing politicians to advocate forward thinking policies without the constant fear of political or electoral retribution. Furthermore, the close proximity of EU member states and their relatively small size creates an "all in this together" mentality allowing them to harness their resources to compete with larger world powers.2.- United KingdomWidely acknowledged as one of the foremost countries addressing climate change, the United Kingdom moved definitively to establish a science-based framework for approaching this global phenomenon even prior to the Earth Summit in Rio in 1992. This de-politicizing effort is revealed in the staunch support of conservatives like Margaret Thatcher, whose instrumental leadership set this critical tone and aided in the formation of the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1990, and Tony Blair, who seized his 2005 G-8 presidential term as an opportunity to promote the reduction of GHG through mitigation technologies, sustainable energy, and adaptation strategies. The UK has fostered domestic integration of climate and energy policies to reduce ill effects at home as well as international cooperation in the form of a post-Kyoto strategy and the ongoing European Union's Emission Trading Scheme (ETS), designed to blend climate change collaborative goals of equity distribution and cost effectiveness.3.- CanadaCanada's efforts to address climate change can be best described as leaping forward, stepping back and, finally, standing in place. An original early proponent for mitigation since 1975, under the Chrétien administration in the 1990s, the country committed to relatively aggressive reductions - - a 30% decrease over projected 2010 emissions - - as part of the Kyoto Protocol. However, a clear implementation plan proved elusive until 2005, at which time "Project Green" successfully established meaningful initiatives. Although temporarily rolled back the following year under the more business-friendly Harper administration, a brief surge in climate change public awareness subsequently forced the return of some mitigation initiatives. Currently, climate change policy stagnation is largely explained by prioritizing economic growth over environmental concernsparticularly in the wake of the 2008 Credit Crisis.It is further complicated by Canada's neighbor to the south - - the administration of President Barack Obama who supports addressing GHG emissions and a clean energy future.4.- AustraliaAustralia's international position on climate change reflects its domestic policy agenda. For the first 10-years of the Kyoto Protocol, 1997-2007, Australia was a climate change laggard based on both its refusal to ratify the agreement and its largely symbolic GHG reduction policies. In 2007, Australia ratified the Protocol and implemented stringent abatement policies but is now reversing course. What caused the shifts Down Under? Two domestic factors, electoral interests and political leadership, are most influential. Compared to economic growth, voters' prioritization of environmental issues rose until 2007 and then declined. The political leadership within the Coalition government (1996-2007, reelected in 2013) favors business and the fossil fuel industry, and is skeptical of climate change. This stands in contrast to the Labor Party (2007-2013) that favors GHG emissions reductions. So, although Australia has committed internationally to a 5% reduction of 2000 level emissions by 2020, it still lacks a consistent domestic policy to achieve this goal. Russia Russia experienced massive industrial decline in the immediate aftermath of the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991. Despite the fact that there has been a significant reduction of GHG emissions, Russia still ranks third on the list of the largest greenhouse gas emitters in the world. Problems caused by climate change in recent decades include public health risks, increased recurrence, intensity and duration of droughts in some regions, extreme precipitation patterns, floods, and over-moisturized soil and permafrost degradation in the northern regions. However, the climate change issue does not constitute a priority for Russian authorities. Several internal factors, such as a well-rooted skepticism within the Russian scientific community towards anthropogenic global warming, low environmental awareness among Russian citizens, and the priority given to the country's economic restoration, suggests that Russian climate policy is to a great extent being driven by the pursuit of benefits in areas other than that of environmental policy.ChinaOne of the best ways to summarize China's approach to climate change is via a domestic politics model. Decisionmakers involved in China's climate change policy belong to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and there is little or no foreign influence over them. Among these decision makers, the most influential have managed to frame the issue as one of sovereignty and economic development. These hardliners see climate change as an issue that threatens China's sovereignty and its right to develop economically. As such, it has taken a stance of not joining any multilateral agreement until the U.S. does so. Thus, China's right to develop economically is assured. Domestically, China has made progress developing solar and wind technology for domestic use and for foreign markets. However, it continues to use fossil fuels, especially coal,to ensure that it develops along the lines deemed acceptable to the CCP.IndiaIndia's position on climate change is guided by two priorities - - namely, sustainable development and the elimination of poverty. With a growing economy that demands more energy for growth, there are hundreds of millions of people without access to electricity in India. Energy use and consequently greenhouse gas emissions will grow substantially in the coming decades. As a modernizing country, India is not bound to any GHG emission reduction goals under the Kyoto Protocol. However, it has established a National Action Plan on Climate Change and implemented a combination of mitigation and adaptation policies to reduce the country's contributions to climate change. These policies include energy conservation, promotion of renewable energy, abatement of air pollution among others. While India's development will require growth in energy use, the country must work to reduce the energy intensity of its production processes.Comparative AnalysisOn the basis of political, economic and social factors, a comparative analysis of the case studies reveals three key groupings: supporters of international climate change policy that involves implementing significant carbon mitigation reduction requirements; fickle hesitators who, if cooperative, face major reduction requirements; and unburdened supporters who face little-to-no mitigation requirements. The EU and the UK, as a climate change leader, fall into the first category, politically defined as highly democratic and economically and regionally integrated. The EU and the UK have softened views on sovereignty, have historically utilized the market for political/social ends, and normatively seek international cooperation as a means of reducing risk.For Canada and Australia,reduced support for international action on climate change is largely based on modern era socio-political attitudes and a perceived threat to their economic viability. Stemming from strong political views on state sovereignty, they are historically less likely to cooperate on international initiatives and, unlike the economically integrated EU and UK, are not willing to constrain markets in the name of political or social ends. These nations traditionally prefer individualistic as opposed to collective responses to major issues and consequently see cooperative action as risky.The newly modernizing countries of China, India and Russia exhibit different degrees of democracy and are not economically integrated nor fully industrialized. While highly centralized political authority is helpful in making international level commitments, enforcement capacity is hindered domestically. Willingness to cooperate is generally conditional upon gaining financial assistance and technical support needed for development. For China and Russia, the first priority is maintaining state authority and social well-being for the sake of stability. Environmental policy is put forward only when these priorities are not threatened. For India, the focus centers on lifting its population out of poverty that takes precedence over international climate change cooperation.ConclusionOverall, countries willing to cooperate internationally and make sacrifices to mitigate the causes of climate change perceive a lower economic and political threat for doing so than countries that refuse. In fact, the supporters of international climate change policy are more likely to view global warming as an all-encompassing economic, political, and social threat rather than as a discrete environmental threat. Having said this, they also see potential opportunities in assuming the role of early adaptors to climate change.Countries reluctant to support international cooperation face domestic political barriers that the comparative analysis above indicates is due primarily to economic perceptions and viability. Some countries that have rejected a commitment to international cooperation have, in fact, implemented national or sub-state abatement policies. At the same time, others ignore the threat entirely.In short, differences in behavior toward climate change indicates that not all countries perceive the threat the same. The task for climate change leaders, therefore, is to maintain their resolve to educate global populations such that perceptions of economic risk become less significant than perceptions of climate change risk. At the same time, they must offer best practices of reducing compliance costs and sharing knowledgeto build a clean energy agenda in order to ensure a sustainable global solution to climate change. *Students in the Graduate Program in International StudiesOld Dominion University, USAUnder the Direction of Professor Glen Sussman

Large variability among Alzheimer's disease (AD) cases might impact genetic discoveries and complicate dissection of underlying biological pathways. Genome Research at Fundacio ACE (GR@ACE) is a genome-wide study of dementia and its clinical endophenotypes, defined based on AD's clinical certainty and vascular burden. We assessed the impact of known AD loci across endophenotypes to generate loci categories. We incorporated gene coexpression data and conducted pathway analysis per category. Finally, to evaluate the effect of heterogeneity in genetic studies, GR@ACE series were meta-analyzed with additional genome-wide association study data sets. We classified known AD loci into three categories, which might reflect the disease clinical heterogeneity. Vascular processes were only detected as a causal mechanism in probable AD. The meta-analysis strategy revealed the ANKRD31-rs4704171 and NDUFAF6-rs10098778 and confirmed SCIMP-rs7225151 and CD33-rs3865444. The regulation of vasculature is a prominent causal component of probable AD. GR@ACE meta-analysis revealed novel AD genetic signals, strongly driven by the presence of clinical heterogeneity in the AD series. ; The authors would like to thank patients and controls who participated in this project. The Genome Research @ Fundació ACE project (GR@ACE) is supported by Fundación bancaria "La Caixa", Grifols SA, Fundació ACE, and ISCIII (Ministry of Health, Spain). They also want to thank the private sponsors who support the basic and clinical projects of our institution (Piramal AG, Laboratorios Echevarne, Araclon Biotech S.A., and Fundació ACE). They are indebted to the Trinitat Port‐Carbó legacy and her family for their support of Fundació ACE research programs. Fundació ACE is a participating center in the Dementia Genetics Spanish Consortium (DEGESCO). A.R. and M.B. receive support from the European Union/EFPIA Innovative Medicines Initiative Joint undertaking ADAPTED and MOPEAD projects (grant numbers 115975 and 115985, respectively). M.B. and A.R. are also supported by national grants PI13/02434, PI16/01861, and PI17/01474. Acción Estratégica en Salud is integrated into the Spanish National R + D + I Plan and funded by ISCIII (Instituto de Salud Carlos III)‐Subdirección General de Evaluación and the Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER‐ "Una manera de Hacer Europa"). L.M.R. is supported by Consejería de Salud de la Junta de Andalucía (grant PI‐0001/2017). Control samples and data from patients included in this study were provided in part by the National DNA Bank Carlos III (www.bancoadn.org, University of Salamanca, Spain) and Hospital Universitario Virgen de Valme (Sevilla, Spain); they were processed after standard operating procedures with the appropriate approval of the Ethical and Scientific Committee. The present work was performed as part of the Biochemistry, Molecular Biology, and Biomedicine doctoral program of S. Moreno‐Grau at Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (Barcelona, Spain). Data collection and sharing for this project was partially funded by the Alzheimer's Disease Neuroimaging Initiative (ADNI) (National Institutes of Health grant U01 AG024904) and DOD ADNI (Department of Defense award number W81XWH‐12–2–0012). The ADNI is funded by the National Institute on Aging and the National Institute of Biomedical Imaging and Bioengineering, as well as through generous contributions from the following: AbbVie; the Alzheimer's Association; the Alzheimer's Drug Discovery Foundation; Araclon Biotech; BioClinica, Inc.; Biogen; Bristol‐Myers Squibb Company; CereSpir, Inc.; Cogstate; Eisai Inc.; Elan Pharmaceuticals, Inc.; Eli Lilly and Company; EuroImmun; F. Hoffmann‐La Roche Ltd and its affiliated company Genentech, Inc.; Fujirebio; GE Healthcare; IXICO Ltd.; Janssen Alzheimer Immunotherapy Research & Development, LLC.; Johnson & Johnson Pharmaceutical Research & Development LLC.; Lumosity; Lundbeck; Merck & Co., Inc.; Meso Scale Diagnostics, LLC.; NeuroRx Research; Neurotrack Technologies; Novartis Pharmaceuticals Corporation; Pfizer Inc.; Piramal Imaging; Servier; Takeda Pharmaceutical Company; and Transition Therapeutics. The Canadian Institutes of Health Research provides funds to support ADNI clinical sites in Canada. Private sector contributions are facilitated by the Foundation for the National Institutes of Health (www.fnih.org). The grantee organization is the Northern California Institute for Research and Education, and the study was coordinated by the Alzheimer's Therapeutic Research Institute at the University of Southern California. ADNI data are disseminated by the Laboratory for NeuroImaging at the University of Southern California. The AddNeuroMed data are from a public‐private partnership supported by EFPIA companies and SMEs as part of InnoMed (Innovative Medicines in Europe), an integrated project funded by the European Union of the Sixth Framework program priority FP6–2004‐LIFESCIHEALTH‐5. Clinical leads responsible for data collection are Iwona Kłoszewska (Lodz), Simon Lovestone (London), Patrizia Mecocci (Perugia), Hilkka Soininen (Kuopio), Magda Tsolaki (Thessaloniki), and Bruno Vellas (Toulouse). Imaging leads are Andy Simmons (London), Lars‐Olad Wahlund (Stockholm), and Christian Spenger (Zurich). Bioinformatics leads are Richard Dobson (London) and Stephen Newhouse (London). Funding support for the Alzheimer's Disease Genetics Consortium (ADGC) was provided through the NIA Division of Neuroscience (U01‐AG032984). The genotypic and associated phenotypic data used in the study "Multi‐Site Collaborative Study for Genotype‐Phenotype Associations in Alzheimer's Disease (GenADA)" were provided by GlaxoSmithKline, R&D Limited. The data sets used for the analyses described in this manuscript were obtained from dbGaP at http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/gap through dbGaP accession number phs000219. The Mayo Clinic Alzheimer's Disease Genetic Studies, led by Dr. Nilüfer Ertekin‐Taner and Dr. Steven G. Younkin at the Mayo Clinic in Jacksonville, FL, used samples from the Mayo Clinic Study of Aging, the Mayo Clinic Alzheimer's Disease Research Center, and the Mayo Clinic Brain Bank. Data c ; Sí

This book will suggest new agendas for identity and heritage studies by means of presenting contentious issues facing archaeology and heritage management in a globalized world. The book is not only present the variability of heritage objectives and experiences in the New and Old World, and opens a discussion, in a shrinking world, to look beyond national and regional contexts. If the heritage sector and archaeology are to remain relevant in our contemporary world and the near future, there are a number of questions concerning the politics, practices and narratives related to heritage and identity that must be addressed. Questions of relevance in an affluent, cosmopolitan setting are at odds with those relevant for a region emerging from civil war or ethnic strife, or a national minority battling oppression or ethnic cleansing. A premise is that heritage represents a broad scope of empirically and theoretically sound interpretations - that heritage is a response to contemporary forces, as much as data. It is therefore necessary constantly to evaluate what is scientifically accurate as well as what is valid and relevant and what can have a contemporary impact. Dr. Peter F. Biehlis a Professor of Anthropology and the current Chair of the Department of Anthropology at the University at Buffalo. He is also Director of the Institute for European and Mediterranean Archaeology (IEMA) and is an executive board member for the European Association of Archaeologists (EAA). He has developed an international Master's Program in Cultural Heritage with the Sorbonne University and teaches an introduction course to cultural heritage and an advanced course on digital heritage. He is the organizer of the interdisciplinary symposium 'The Future of Heritage: Laws, Ethics and Sustainability' which is funded by the Baldy Center for Law and Social Policy of the University at Buffalo. He is the representative for the organization of the EAA meeting in Istanbul 2014 which is planned to run under topic of 'Archaeology, Heritage and Tourism'. He directs the international West Mound research project at Çatalhöyük in Turkey and supervises a PhD on heritage management in Turkey. He also co-directs the Sinking Ponds Excavation project near Buffalo, which includes a heritage management project in collaboration with the Seneca tribe. He has published widely on Neolithic and Copper Age Europe and Near East, archaeological method and theory, cognitive archaeology and the social meaning of visual imagery and representation, archaeology of cult and religion, museums and archaeological collections, and multimedia in archaeology. Dr. Douglas C. Comeris President of Cultural Site Research and Management (CSRM) and the CSRM Foundation, and Co-President of the International Committee on Archaeological Heritage Management (ICAHM) for ICOMOS. A Fulbright Scholar in cultural resource management, he served for 15 years as Chief of the United States National Park Service Applied Archaeology Center and nine years as Chair of the Maryland Governor's Advisory Committee on Archaeology. After two terms on the Board of Trustees for the United States Committee for ICOMOS (US/ICOMOS), he now represents the Society for American Archaeology (SAA) on the Board. He is Senior Editor of the Conservation and Preservation Section of the Encyclopedia of Global Archaeology, Senior Editor for the Springer Press/ICAHM publication series Multidisciplinary Perspectives in Archaeological Heritage Management, Fellow at the Whiting School of Engineering, The Johns Hopkins University, and Visiting Independent Advisor with the NASA Jet Propulsion Laboratory at Caltech (JPL/NASA). He has published extensively on archaeology, aerial and satellite remote sensing, and heritage management, and has conducted research and provided management , tourism, and interpretive planning and design at numerous archaeological sand historic sites on five continents. Dr. Christopher Prescottis Professor of Archaeology and Head-of Research at the Department of Archaeology, Conservation and History, University of Oslo, Norway, and Docent at Gothenburg's University, Sweden. He has served as section and program leader in Bergen and Oslo, as well as Head-of-Department for archaeology, conservation and art history (Oslo). From 1997 to 2002 he was dean of studies at the humanities faculty, University of Oslo. He was editor-in-chief of the Norwegian Archaeological Review from 1997 to 2001, and has edited several anthologies. He has published articles and monographs concerning Neolithic to Early Iron Age prehistory in Scandinavia and Italy, history of archaeology and theoretical and political issues. Prescott has been on the board of numerous rescue archaeological projects, and has participated in several public outreach initiatives (exhibitions, lectures, media appearances), and he has also worked on issues concerning illicit trade in antiquities and questions concerning how to train archaeologists and conduct outreach in a population becoming increasingly heterogeneous due to migration. Dr. Hilary A. Soderlanddirects the PhD in Law Program at the University of Washington School of Law and teaches interdisciplinary courses to law as well as social science and humanities graduate students. Specializing in archaeology, cultural heritage, and the law, Soderland received her MPhil and PhD from the University of Cambridge and her Juris Doctorate (JD) from the University of California-Berkeley's Boalt Hall School of Law. A Registered Professional Archaeologist, her publications include articles, commissioned work, and a co-edited book manuscript concerning archaeology legislation,cultural heritage law, repatriation, and archaeological resource protection and heritage management. She has been a Visiting Scholar at the American Bar Foundation in Chicago and at Tel Aviv University's Cegla Center for Interdisciplinary Research of the Law. Her museum work on three continents has encompassed curation, accessioning protocol, exhibition preparation, and legal compliance. For the Society for American Archaeology, she co-founded and served as co-chair of the Heritage Values Interest Group and she currently serves on the Committee on Ethics, the International Governmental Affairs Committee, and as a legal advisor to the Repatriation Committee. Soderland also is a manuscript reviewer and editorial board advisor for journals in the fields of anthropology, law, cultural heritage, and museology. Her professional service further includes pro bono legal work.

ABSTRAK Tesis ini membahas tentang Pelaksanaan Pemberian Ganti Rugi Terhadap Anak Korban Tindak Pidana Berdasarkan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana (Studi Di Kejaksaan Negeri Pontianak). Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah Penelitian Hukum Normatif. Dari hasil penelitian tesis ini diperoleh kesimpulan bahwa Dari apa yang telah diuraikan di Bab sebelumnya maka pada Bab ini peneliti mencoba menarik beberapa kesimpulan sebagai berikut :1.Pelaksanaan pemberian ganti rugi (Restitusi) terhadap anak korban tindak pidana berdasarkan Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana yaitu dengan pengajuan permohonan restitusi yang mengacu pada Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana. Permohonan Restitusi sebagaimana dimaksud, diajukan secara tertulis dalam Bahasa Indonesia di atas kertas bermaterai kepada pengadilan, yang diajukan sebelum putusan pengadilan, melalui tahap: a. Penyidikan; atau b. Penuntutan. Selain melalui tahap penyidikan atau penuntutan sebagaimana dimaksud, permohonan Restitusi dapat diajukan melalui Lembaga Perlindungan Saksi dan Korban (LPSK) sesuai dengan ketentuan peraturan perundang-undangan. Adapun permohonan restitusi yang diajukan setelah putusan pengadilan yang telah memperoleh kekuatan hukum tetap, juga dapat diajukan melalui LPSK sesuai dengan ketentuan peraturan perundang-undangan. 2.Akibat hukum apabila pelaku menolak atau tidak mau membayar ganti rugi (restitusi) terhadap anak yang menjadi korban tindak pidana. Banyak cara bagi pelaku tindak pidana untuk menolak membayar restitusi pada kasus pelaku pidana diminta membayar restitusi, korban harus menyertakan bukti-bukti atau dokumen aset mereka yang rusak atau hilang kepada penuntut umum. Bukti itulah yang dijadikan penuntut umum untuk meminta pengadilan menghukum pelaku membayar restitusi. Bahwa sampai sekarang ini belum pernah ada yang mengajukan restitusi. Selama ini pelaku tindak pidana di putus dengan pidana penjara maupun kurungan beserta pembayaran denda. 3. Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana telah mengatur pelaksanaan pemberian hak restitusi bagi anak korban tindak pidana, namun, pengaturan dalam Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana masih dapat menimbulkan beberapa persoalan hukum yaitu : Pertama. Pengaturan dalam Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana belum memuat solusi apabila restitusi tidak dibayarkan. Persoalan hukum kedua, rumitnya prosedur pengajuan restitusi dalam Peraturan Pemerintah Nomor 43 Tahun 2017 Tentang Pelaksanaan Restitusi Bagi Anak Yang Menjadi Korban Tindak Pidana, dengan demikian diperlukannya pengaturan restitusi bagi anak yang menjadi korban tindak pidana untuk masa yang akan dating. Pada hakikatnya, pembaharuan hukum pidana harus ditempuh dengan pendekatan yang berorientasi pada kebijakan (policy-oriented approach) dan sekaligus pendekatan yang berorientasi pada nilai (value-oriented approach) karena ia hanya merupakan bagian dari suatu langkah kebijakan atau policy (yaitu bagian dari politik hukum/penegakan hukum, politik hukum pidana, politik kriminal, dan politik sosial). Khususnya pada pengaturan restitusi bagi anak yang menjadi korban tindak pidana untuk masa yang akan datang. Kata Kunci: Pelaksanaan, Ganti Rugi, Anak, Korban dan Tindak Pidana ABSTRACTThis thesis discusses the Implementation of Compensation for Children Victims of Crimes Based on Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning the Implementation of Restitution for Children Who are Victims of Crimes (Study at the Pontianak District Attorney). The method used in this research is normative law research. From the results of this thesis research, it can be concluded that from what has been described in the previous chapter, in this chapter the researcher tries to draw some conclusions as follows: 1. The implementation of the provision of compensation (restitution) to child victims of crime based on Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning Implementation of Restitution for Children Who Become Victims of Crime, namely by submitting a request for restitution which refers to Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning the Implementation of Restitution for Children Who Become Victims of Crime.The application for restitution as intended, is submitted in writing in Indonesian on paper stamped to the court, which is submitted before the court's decision, through the following stages: a. Investigation; or b. Prosecution. In addition to going through the investigation or prosecution stage as intended, a request for restitution can be submitted through the Witness and Victim Protection Agency (LPSK) in accordance with the provisions of the legislation. The request for restitution submitted after a court decision that has obtained permanent legal force can also be submitted through the LPSK in accordance with the provisions of the legislation. 2. Legal consequences if the perpetrator refuses or does not want to pay compensation (restitution) to the child who is the victim of a crime. There are many ways for criminals to refuse to pay restitution in cases where criminals are asked to pay restitution, victims must submit evidence or documents of their damaged or lost assets to the public prosecutor. This evidence is used by the public prosecutor to ask the court to punish the perpetrators to pay restitution. That until now no one has ever applied for restitution.So far, the perpetrators of criminal acts have been sentenced to imprisonment or confinement along with the payment of a fine. 3. Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning the Implementation of Restitution for Children Who Become Victims of Crime has regulated the implementation of granting restitution rights for children who are victims of criminal acts, however, the regulation in Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning Implementation of Restitution for Children who are Victims of Crime can still cause some legal problems, namely: First. The regulation in Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning the Implementation of Restitution for Children Who Become Victims of Crime does not contain a solution if restitution is not paid. The second legal issue is the complexity of the procedure for applying for restitution in Government Regulation Number 43 of 2017 concerning the Implementation of Restitution for Children Who Become Victims of Crime, thus it is necessary to regulate restitution for children who are victims of criminal acts in the future. In essence, criminal law reform must be pursued with a policy-oriented approach and at the same time a value-oriented approach because it is only part of a policy or policy step (i.e. part of legal politics). / law enforcement, criminal law politics, criminal politics, and social politics). Especially in the regulation of restitution for children who are victims of criminal acts in the future.Keywords: Implementation, Compensation, Children, Victims and Crime