Suchergebnisse

In early 2018, a reform of the world's largest functioning greenhouse gas emissions cap-and-trade system, the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS), was formally approved. The reform changes the main principles of the system by endogenizing the previously fixed emissions cap. We show that the effective emissions cap is now affected by the allowance demand and therefore not set directly by EU policymakers. One consequence of this is that national policies that reduce allowance demand can reduce long-run cumulative emissions, which is not possible in a standard cap-andtrade system. Using a newly developed dynamic model of the EU ETS, we show that policies reducing allowance demand can have substantial effects on cumulative emissions. Our model simulations also suggest that the reform reduces aggregate emissions in both the short and long run, but the long-run impact is substantially larger. Yet, the reform has a small impact on the currently large allowance surplus. ; In early 2018, a reform of the world's largest functioning greenhouse gas emissions cap-and-trade system, the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS), was formally approved. The reform changes the main principles of the system by endogenizing the previously fixed emissions cap. We show that the effective emissions cap is now affected by the allowance demand and therefore not set directly by EU policymakers. One consequence of this is that national policies that reduce allowance demand can reduce long-run cumulative emissions, which is not possible in a standard cap-and-trade system. Using a newly developed dynamic model of the EU ETS, we show that policies reducing allowance demand can have substantial effects on cumulative emissions. Our model simulations also suggest that the reform reduces aggregate emissions in both the short and long run, but the long-run impact is substantially larger. Yet, the reform has a small impact on the currently large allowance surplus.

The author deals with the new cycle of multilateral trade negotiations that started in Doha in 2001. Since then, the main question has remained to be how to overcome the radically different priorities of developed and developing countries. EU insists on expanding the WTO regulation system. Developing countries were against broadening of the negotiations, especially not to development that is not directly related to the trade dimension. The clash appeared in the form of a crisis of the multilateral system but also in the form of a crisis of confidence in WTO. The general agreement signed by the members of WTO in July 2004 was of great importance for the future of multilateralism. It remains to be seen if that will be confirmed at the conclusion of the Doha cycle envisaged for the end of 2006.

'Mit der Entwicklung der Europäischen Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (ESVP) hat die EU den Anspruch verbunden, gewaltsame Krisen und deren Folgen auf ganzheitliche Weise zu bewältigen. Der Verfasser der vorliegenden Studie geht der Frage nach, inwiefern es der Europäischen Union gelungen ist, die zivilen und militärischen Instrumente im Zusammenhang mit ESVP-Missionen kohärent und effektiv zum Einsatz zu bringen. Im Mittelpunkt stehen dabei die Erfahrungen in Bosnien-Herzegowina und der Demokratischen Republik Kongo. Die Analyse verdeutlicht, dass die Union weiterhin große Schwierigkeiten hat, ihrem Anspruch gerecht zu werden, als zivil-militärischer Akteur zu handeln. Dabei treten zwei zentrale Problembereiche zutage. Erstens ist die Zusammenarbeit zwischen Polizei und Militär im Krisenmanagement und beim Aufbau des Sicherheitssektors in Nachkriegssituationen eine große Herausforderung. Zweitens kann das EU-Handeln nicht langfristig wirken, solange Rat und Europäische Kommission bei militärischen ESVP-Mandaten und -Aufgaben nur kurzfristig oder gar nicht kooperieren. Mit einer mutigen Umsetzung der im Lissabonner Vertrag angelegten Reformen lassen sich die festgestellten Defizite teilweise abbauen. Dennoch sind die Probleme in ihrem Kern politischer und nicht institutioneller Natur. Soll etwa der Sicherheitssektor in Nachkriegsgesellschaften gemäß dem ganzheitlichen Ansatz aufgebaut werden, müssen die EU und ihre Mitgliedstaaten den politischen Willen aufbringen, die Zusammenarbeit zwischen Rat und Kommission auch bei den militärischen Aspekten der ESVP-Einsätze auf eine dauerhaftere Grundlage zu stellen.' (Autorenreferat)

Die starken wirtschaftlichen Verflechtungen zwischen der Europäischen Union (EU) und den USA erfordern eine enge Zusammenarbeit, wollen beide Partner auch im globalen digitalen Wettbewerb bestehen. Auf eine Initiative der EU hin wurde 2021 der Handels- und Technologierat (Trade and Technology Council, TTC) gegründet. Er soll dabei helfen, unterschiedliche Vorstellungen darüber zu überwinden, wie der digitale Markt und die Plattformökonomie am besten zu regulieren sind. Auch wenn der russische Angriff auf die Ukraine es notwendig macht, die strategische Souveränität der EU neu zu denken, sind europäische Ent­scheidungsträger und ‑trägerinnen gut beraten, weiterhin eine digitale Außenpolitik der EU voranzutreiben, die sich im Kern aus dem Ziel digitale Souveränität ableitet und die an­strebt, mithilfe des TTC europäische Regulierungen qua Marktmacht zu externalisieren. Dieser sogenannte "Brüssel-Effekt" vertieft nicht nur den trans­atlantischen digitalen Markt, sondern befördert gleichermaßen die Integration der EU-Digitalpolitik im Innern.

OBJECTIVE: While there is urgent need for policymaking that prioritises health equity, successful strategies for advancing such an agenda across multiple policy sectors are not well known. This study aims to address this gap by identifying successful strategies to advance a health equity agenda across multiple policy domains. DESIGN: We conducted in-depth qualitative case studies in three important social determinants of health equity in Australia: employment and social policy (Paid Parental Leave); macroeconomics and trade policy (the Trans Pacific Partnership agreement); and welfare reform (the Northern Territory Emergency Response). The analysis triangulated multiple data sources included 71 semistructured interviews, document analysis and drew on political science theories related to interests, ideas and institutions. RESULTS: Within and across case studies we observed three key strategies used by policy actors to advance a health equity agenda, with differing levels of success. The first was the use of multiple policy frames to appeal to a wide range of actors beyond health. The second was the formation of broad coalitions beyond the health sector, in particular networking with non-traditional policy allies. The third was the use of strategic forum shopping by policy actors to move the debate into more popular policy forums that were not health focused. CONCLUSIONS: This analysis provides nuanced strategies for agenda-setting for health equity and points to the need for multiple persuasive issue frames, coalitions with unusual bedfellows, and shopping around for supportive institutions outside the traditional health domain. Use of these nuanced strategies could generate greater ideational, actor and institutional support for prioritising health equity and thus could lead to improved health outcomes.

The 2007-2009 crisis has led to a return of Keynesian analyses and policies. The paper analyses the contradictions between a structural crisis, the implementation at a very large scale of Keynesian policies and the denial to undermine financial capitalism. The crisis has led the French government to endorse French traditional views according to which government actions have a major role. Although stimulus measures have been limited in France, the economy has been less affected than others thanks to the size of its automatic stabilisers and financial and economic archaisms. However the French government has not abandoned the objective of large public expenditure cuts. European authorities have had to admit that public deficits would rise but they have not implemented coordinated stimulus policies. EU countries are still requested to bring their budgetary positions back into balance, independently of economic developments. Yet the rise in public deficits and debts has not generated any rise in long-term interest rates and in inflation expectations. Two main issues remain: can fiscal and monetary policies alone be expected to boost activity if the roots of the crisis lie in structural imbalances? Will fiscal exit strategies be an opportunity for leading classes to cut massively social and public expenditures?

The 2007-2009 crisis has led to a return of Keynesian analyses and policies. The paper analyses the contradictions between a structural crisis, the implementation at a very large scale of Keynesian policies and the denial to undermine financial capitalism. The crisis has led the French government to endorse French traditional views according to which government actions have a major role. Although stimulus measures have been limited in France, the economy has been less affected than others thanks to the size of its automatic stabilisers and financial and economic archaisms. However the French government has not abandoned the objective of large public expenditure cuts. European authorities have had to admit that public deficits would rise but they have not implemented coordinated stimulus policies. EU countries are still requested to bring their budgetary positions back into balance, independently of economic developments. Yet the rise in public deficits and debts has not generated any rise in long-term interest rates and in inflation expectations. Two main issues remain: can fiscal and monetary policies alone be expected to boost activity if the roots of the crisis lie in structural imbalances? Will fiscal exit strategies be an opportunity for leading classes to cut massively social and public expenditures?

An edited volume providing a critical overview of EU development policy and the challenges that it must confront in an increasingly volatile and changing world.

The working paper examines the decision-making process of what has most likely been the most contentious European environmental policy-item in 2009: the regulation 443/2009 setting carbon dioxide emission performance standards for new passenger cars. In contrast to the empirical trend of rather stringent protection levels, where environmental front-runner countries, encouraged by the Commission and the European Parliament, are able to set the pace, the regulation in question was largely shaped by the most reluctant member state – Germany with its high-volume, premium car manufacturers.By process-tracing the legislative decision-making, the paper accounts for this lowest-common-denominator outcome. Commission and EP had "greener" preferences than the Council. Yet, both actors suffered from a of lack internal consistency, with national differences leading to strong in-fights between Commissioners and limiting the voting coherence of EP party-groups. The issue was therefore already highly politicized at the agenda-setting stage. This, and the fact that the dossier was handled in a fast-track procedure, curtailed Commission influence. In the Council negotiations, Germany was able to muster a potential blocking minority together with those, mostly east-European countries, were subsidiaries of German car companies are located. "Greener" member states were, however, not prepared to veto down the regulation although they criticized its lack of ambition.