From the Publisher: Music in the Post 9/11 World is the first book to examine the crucial role that music has played in the world's reaction to the attacks of September 11, 2001. Several authors eloquently describe how the events of September 11 served as a direct catalyst for artistic expression and commentary. This is one dimension of music in the post-9/11 world. Others approach the topic from a different angle, demonstrating how political and military actions that were initiated in the wake of 9/11 profoundly altered the environment in which music was created and performed. Bills like the Patriot Act have indirectly affected popular music by discouraging the expression of dissent, while major media conglomerates-that control radio, TV, and newspapers-have self-censored the music that is heard over the airwaves and reviewed in the media
The debate on the problems and future of the EU, both in the 'anti-European' and 'pro-European' camps, is characterized by the exclusive emphasis on 'what might be true' and not on the whole spectrum of reality. Thus, there is need to problematize the supposed 'imminent threat' of 'post-truth'. Any discussion regarding the 'post-truth challenge' for today's Europe in general cannot be productive if we do not take into account the developments associated with the characteristics of information management. There is a need to juxtapose the 'post-truth' of the post-modern and post-industrial communication environment with the modernist notion of propaganda, not only to acquire the adequate theoretical evidence in order to assess whether we are dealing with a new phenomenon (post-truth), a 'new' version of an 'old' phenomenon (post-propaganda), but also to identify similarities and differences in terms of their causes, characteristics and possible implications for the EU.
Abstract This thematic issue of the journal revisits the thesis introduced ten years ago in the book, Getting It Done: Post-Agreement Negotiation and International Regimes, that regimes are recursive negotiations and not merely one-off settlements that turn next to ratification. Seven cases are presented in the issue and discussed in this article that develop a number of reasons why regimes are marked by post-agreement negotiations. They examine the dimensions of these different types of encounters, all negotiations to be explored by established negotiation analysis but incomplete and incomprehensible without the context of the previous agreement, which then they complement.
Sustaining and strengthening local livelihoods is one of the most fundamental challenges faced by post-conflict countries. By degrading the natural resources that are essential to livelihoods and by significantly hindering access to those resources, conflict can wreak havoc on the ability of war-torn populations to survive and recover. This book explores how natural resource management initiatives in more than twenty countries and territories have supported livelihoods and facilitated post-conflict peacebuilding. Case studies and analyses identify lessons and opportunities for the more effecti.
Pharmacovigilance can be defined as a set of practices aiming at the detection, understanding and assessment of risks related to the use of drugs in a population, and the prevention of consequential adverse effects. In a narrower sense, the term refers exclusively to postmarket surveillance. This paper briefly outlines how pharmacovigilance has come to play a central role in the regulation of novel pharmaceuticals. However, the focus of the text is on mechanisms emerging in an experimental drug scene that aim at dealing with the risks posed by `designer drugs' newly introduced to the black market. This discussion of pharmacovigilance and `post-black market surveillance' is situated in the broader context of the more recent dissemination of vigilance as a key element of government in a world too complex for legal and disciplinary measures alone.
Since the 1980s the concept of ANT has remained unsettled. ANT has continuously been critiqued and hailed, ridiculed and praised. It is still an open question whether ANT should be considered a theory or a method or whether ANT is better understood as entailing the dissolution of such modern ''genres''. In this paper the authors engage with some important reflections by John Law and Bruno Latour in order to analyze what it means to ''do ANT,'' and (even worse), doing so after ''doing ANT on ANT.'' In particular the authors examine two post-ANT case studies by Annemarie Mol and Marilyn Strathern and outline the notions of complexity, multiplicity, and fractality. The purpose is to illustrate the analytical consequences of thinking with post-ANT. The analysis offers insights into how it is possible to ''go beyond ANT,'' without leaving it entirely behind.
Literally hundreds of novels were written by white Rhodesians during the U.D.I. era of the 1960s and 1970s. Since Independence, however, not much more than a handful of literary texts have been produced by whites in Zimbabwe. This dissertation, therefore, involves an interrogation of both white discourse and the (reduced) space for white discourse in postcolonial Zimbabwean society. In addition to the displaced moral space, and the removal of the economic and political power base, there has been an appropriation of control over the material means of production of any discourse and white discourse, which has become accustomed to its position of superiority due to its dominance and dominating tendencies, has struggled to come to terms with its new, non-hegemonic 'space'. In an attempt to come to some understanding of the literary silence and marginalisation of white discourse in post-independence Zimbabwe there has to be some understanding of the voice that was formed during the British South Africa Company's administration and which reached a crescendo of authoritarian self-assertion at the declaration of unilateral independence. Vital to this discussion (in Part I) is an uncovering of the myths that were intrinsic to white discourse in the way that they were created as justification for settlement and to propagandise the aggressive defence of that space that was forged in an alien landscape. These myths have not been easily cast aside and, hence, have made it so difficult for white discourse to adapt to post-colonial society. Most Rhodesian novels were extremely partisan and promulgated these myths. Part II, discusses ex post facto novels about the war (from the white perspective) to investigate whether white discourse is recognising the lies that make up so much of its belief system. This investigation of this particular perspective of the war, then, will help to define at what stage white Zimbabweans are at in the development of a national culture. Part III takes this discussion of acculturation and national unity further. Furthermore, through the discussion of a number of novels in this chapter, it is argued that white discourse is struggling to come to terms with its non-hegemonic position and is continuing to attempt to assert its control. The 'space' available to the early settlers' discourse for appropriation, however, has been removed and, in the reduced space available to white discourse, one continued area of possible control is that of conservation.
Indonesian Government has launched various programs to overcome population problems. Postpartum Family planning program is included in maternal insurance program, so every partum mother can immediately insert Post-placenta IUD for free. The failure of inserting IUD contraception in Indonesia reached 37.75%. The result of this review can be taken into consideration regarding goverment policy about Postpartum Family Planing Programe. The design of this study is literature review. The selected articles are those relating to IUD Post-placenta expulsion. Database PubMed used to cellecting article. We only take article that published from 2010 – 2018. The analysis of 11 journals showed that the IUD post-placenta have rates of expulsion varies from some article, the lowest 1,4 % and highest 24 %. Then delayed insertion of IUD have expulsion rates 0 % up to 37%. This review supports the evidence that insertion of an IUD Postplacenta after vaginal delivery or caesarean delivery is safe. Expulsion rates should be further studied in larger randomised controlled trials.
Objective: This study aims to describe the educational gradient and the role of educational homogamy in divorce risk in the Czech Republic. Background: The Czech Republic underwent a social transformation in the 1990s, which resulted in a significant change in many demographic trends. In contrast, the divorce trend seems to have been less affected. My aim is to describe the evolution of the patterns of the educational gradient of divorce during the late phase of the post-communist transformation. Method: Register data on marriages contracted in 1995, 2000, and 2005 were supplemented with divorce register records up to 2020. Besides the duration of the marriage, the data contains information on the education, age, and marital status of both partners at the time of marriage. The Kaplan-Meier curves and the Cox regression are used for the analysis. Results: The risk of divorce is substantially higher for the less educated, and this holds across all three marriage cohorts observed here. Homogamous marriages are not the most stable ones. From an individual's perspective, marriage with a more educated partner shows the highest stability. Conclusion: This analysis confirmed the stability of the negative educational gradient of marriages contracted during the late phase of the post-communist transition period in the Czech Republic. It refutes the notion that the higher relative education of the woman or man in the couple destabilises partnerships.
AbstractUtilitarian foundations for limited government are shaky insofar as they assume rational and consistent individuals. Recently economists' assumption of rational actors has come under sustained attack. Behavioural economics has suggested that people are plagued by irrational biases and inconsistencies. These developments have led to a post‐utilitarianism which is held to justify paternalistic interventions by the state via 'sin taxes', direct bans or new obligations. Individual responsibility is seriously undermined, as is faith in markets. Supporters of individual freedom need to move away from utilitarian reasoning, reassert core values of autonomy and responsibility, and define strict limits on the scope of government intervention.
Five case studies of international involvement in demilitarization/reconstruction processes are reviewed: Somalia (UNOSOM & UNITAF); Rhodesia/Zimbabwe; former Yugoslavia (UNPROFOR); Cambodia (UNTAC); and Mozambique (ONUMOZ). A central defect of these studies is that they do not include broader issues in their consideration of peace, nor do they contain any indications of the conditions for its sustenance in the post-settlement stage. Managing arms is only one aspect of a peace process. The transition process is more usefully conceptualized as a multifaceted one, in which military, political, psycho-social, humanitarian, as well as economic questions are seen as closely interwoven.
The effectiveness of reconstruction programs in post-conflict contexts Abstract The thesis aims at assessing the effectiveness of reconstruction programs intended to ensure for the economic recovery of countries emerging from civil war since the end of the Cold War. From the standpoint of the method used, this effectiveness is both evaluated through the relevance of the content and the organization of these programs with regard to the characteristics of the post-conflict economies, and through an assessment of their performances according to recovery indicators which are specific to this context. The economic causes of conflicts and the functioning of a wartime economy are analyzed because they influence the transition to an economy in the context of peace (chapters 1 to 4). An approach in terms of political economy (Stewart, Fitzgerald) comparing both horizontal and vertical inequalities and completed by Amartya Sen's approach contributes to the account of the specific characteristics of this type of context which the neoclassical theory is not enabled to grasp. The approach in terms of sustainable livelihoods (Chambers and Conways), of the vulnerability due to the context and of the institutional economy, provides a coherent theoretical framework in order to identify the economic features of post-conflict societies (chapters 5 to 7) and enables for the identification of the factors which block or slow down the process of economic recovery. The study of the configuration of reconstruction programs reveals the multiplication of actors which have different approaches, a lack of coordination in their work, and the formation of a substitute administration non-aligned to the fragile state (chapter 8). Closer ties between the programs and the observed characteristics enable for the evaluation of their effectiveness (chapter 9). The quantitative evaluation arrives at the conclusion that these programs are relative failures, especially due to their sluggishness. From the data available, the significance of some specific variables is observed (the return of populations, institutions, security). The qualitative analysis of the causes of this ineffectiveness reveals: Perverse effects due to the lack of coordination, analyzed through the transaction costs theory, the contingence theory, and the marginalist theory, more particularly in the labor markets, the administrative capacity, reveals a threshold of institutional capacities; Poor adaptation in the design and the implementation of the programs to the observed characteristics. Between the references towards the Marshall Plan and the absence of any exterior intervention, the analysis of this ineffectiveness concludes that some requirements should be adapted for each context. ; Le but de la thèse est d'apprécier l'efficacité des programmes de reconstruction destinés à assurer le redressement économique de pays sortant de guerre civile depuis la fin de la Guerre froide. Du point de vue de la méthode, cette efficacité est évaluée à la fois par la pertinence du contenu et de l'organisation de ces programmes aux caractéristiques des économies post-conflictuelles, et par une évaluation de leur performance au vu d'indicateurs de redressement spécifiques à ces contextes. Les causes économiques des conflits et le fonctionnement d'une économie de guerre sont analysés dans la mesure ils conditionnent le passage à une économie de paix (chapitres 1 à 4). Une approche en termes d'économie politique (Stewart, Fitzgerald) recoupant inégalités horizontales et verticales et complétée par celle d'Amartya Sen contribue à rendre compte des spécificités de ce type de contexte que la théorie néoclassique ne permet pas d'appréhender. L'approche en termes de moyens d'existence (Chambers et Conway), de vulnérabilité due au contexte (Collinson) et d'économie institutionnelle donnent un cadre théorique cohérent pour cerner les caractéristiques économiques des sociétés post-conflictuelles (chapitres 5 à 7) et permettent d'identifier des facteurs bloquant ou de ralentissement du processus de redressement économique. L'étude de la configuration des programmes de reconstruction fait apparaître une prolifération d'acteurs aux logiques différentes, peu coordonnés et formant une administration de substitution non alignée dans un État fragile (chapitre 8). Le rapprochement entre programme et caractéristiques observées permet alors de procéder à l'évaluation de l'efficacité des programmes (chapitre 9). L'évaluation quantitative converge vers le constat d'un échec relatif, notamment du fait de leur lenteur (d'où risque de résurgence du conflit). Une modélisation à partir des données disponibles appuie l'identification effectuée de l'importance de certaines variables spécifiques (retour des populations déplacées, institutions, sécurité). L'analyse qualitative des causes de cette inefficacité fait apparaître : - les effets pervers du manque de coordination, analysée ici à la lumière de la théorie des coûts de transaction, de la théorie contingente et de l'analyse marginaliste, notamment sur le marché du travail et les capacités administratives, ce qui permet de mettre à jour le concept de seuil de capacités institutionnelles ; - l'inadaptation dans la conception et la mise en œuvre des programmes aux spécificités observées. Entre la référence mythifiée au Plan Marshall et l'absence d'intervention extérieure qui mènerait à un état de suffocation économique, l'analyse de cette inefficacité relative débouche sur quelques préconisations adaptables selon les contextes.
This article reviews the central problematique of citizenship, arguing that the challenges imposed by neoliberal globalisation involve the loss of political, social and civil rights. By negating the mediations performed by citizenship between the people and the state, post-democracy renders citizenship meaningless. The article traces two main responses to this, a reactionary and a progressive one, none of which can address the problems of citizenship. The grains of a new response are found in three developments: a new ontology of the citizen, brought into being through digital acts; the existence of dual power, creating new forms of governance and social reproduction from below; and between these, the development of new procedures that directly engage with state power. Taken together, these considerations indicate a new possibility for the radicalisation of citizenship rather than a return to the former state of affairs.
AbstractThis article reviews the central problematique of citizenship, arguing that the challenges imposed by neoliberal globalisation involve the loss of political, social and civil rights. By negating the mediations performed by citizenship between the people and the state, post-democracy renders citizenship meaningless. The article traces two main responses to this, a reactionary and a progressive one, none of which can address the problems of citizenship. The grains of a new response are found in three developments: a new ontology of the citizen, brought into being through digital acts; the existence of dual power, creating new forms of governance and social reproduction from below; and between these, the development of new procedures that directly engage with state power. Taken together, these considerations indicate a new possibility for the radicalisation of citizenship rather than a return to the former state of affairs.
