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"For years, students of social movements and other forms of contentious action have been sharply divided over what motivates people to engage in protest. Early on, analysts generally agreed that participation in acts of protest was motivated by various deprivations pushing toward action. Newer perspectives began to reject these views, holding that grievances were permanent and ubiquitous, and could not therefore explain new forms of action. Goods to be pursued were then seen as the essential and pulling motivational force. However, even those came to be seen as inessential and the focus turned toward structural factors such as organizations, resources, opportunities, and mobilization as the crucial determinants of protest. After exposing the limitations of these conflicting perspectives, Maurice Pinard elaborates on an entirely new synthesis, one that involves several motivational components. The pushing force of felt grievances, now with qualifications, is brought back but accompanied, or at times replaced, by other forces, such as feelings of moral obligation or simple aspirations. With regard to pulling factors, collective goods or goals pursued can be involved or replaced by individual material or social rewards granted to participants. Expectancy of success, a generally neglected component, also enters the picture. Finally, the effect of emotions and collective identities are among additional factors that must be considered. By developing theoretical distinctions that have important empirical implications and enriching and sharpening our understanding of the motivational factors for collective action, Pinard offers a major contribution destined to become an essential new starting point for any future writers addressing these issues."--Publisher's website.

"For the past thirty years, I have been teaching, studying, and researching social problems in the US. The topics have always been challenging and fascinating, while at the same time they have been frustrating and often disappointing. I always found examples of social programs that were effective at targeting a specific aspect of a complex problem, but too often these extraordinary ideas were applied beyond their capacity. Then, once the program failed to be a panacea, policymakers discounted the actual value of the program in its original design. I felt a similar frustration when enormous resources were dedicated to programs that, while politically popular, had little chance at succeeding because they were based on inaccurate assessments of the problem. It is easy to see why students might feel that a social problems course offers little encouragement to find solutions. When I had the opportunity to write a comprehensive social problems textbook for Oxford University Press, I was presented with a moment to frame the issues in an objective way: to explain clearly and effectively not only the nature and complexity of specific social problems, but how sociological theory is a useful lens through which these problems can be understood. I also had the chance to point out that there are, in fact, solutions that work. As I tell my students, the question is not really what caused the problem -- we know these are social problems and that means they have social causes. The interesting question is: what we are willing as a society to do about them?"--

This paper starts out from James C. Scott's seminal book "Weapons of the Weak" dealing with everyday forms of collective action by private entrepreneurs. It raises the question by what kind of formal and informal mechanisms Chinese entrepreneurs exert political influence in order to protect or enforce their interests. The author explored two aspects: First, the way in which private entrepreneurs in China act in a collective manner, i. e. as a strategic group; and second, how collective action by private entrepreneurs is altering both political structures and the institutional setting of the political system and what effect this is having on stabilization of the system as a whole. In addition, this paper examines patterns of formal and informal representation of private entrepreneurs in Chinese politics. The author contends that as Chinese entrepreneurs increasingly turn to patterns of collective action they are developing into a coherent group with a broad range of strategies aimed at safeguarding their interests, and that in so doing they are playing a salient role as system stabilizers.

This article examines whether and how moral convictions predict collective action to achieve social change. Because moral convictions defined as strong and absolute stances on moral issues tolerate no exceptions, any violation motivates individuals to actively change that situation. We propose that moral convictions have a special relationship with politicized identities and collective action because of the potentially strong normative fit between moral convictions and the action-oriented content of politicized identities. This effectively integrates moral conviction with the Social Identity Model of Collective Action (Van Zomeren, Postmes, & Spears, 2008), which predicts that, on the basis of a relevant social identity, group-based anger and efficacy predict collective action. Results from two studies indeed showed that moral convictions predicted collective action intentions (Study 12) and collective action (Study 2) through politicized identification, group-based anger, and group efficacy. We discuss theoretical and practical implications of our integrative model.