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"This book is a comprehensive introduction to the theories and recent debates on international political economy (IPE). It illustrates the theoretical ideas of the discipline and provides an in-depth understanding of regional and global political economy. The book focusses on the functioning of states and the economy within the perspective of world politics. It explores the theories realism, liberalism, liberal interdependence, hegemonic stability and dependency vis-à-vis the contemporary global economic and political scenario. It provides a historical overview into the developments in the field and study of international political economy, institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, World Bank and World Trade organization, the effects of globalization, movement of capital and the contested relationship between human development and democracy. The book examines the effects of neoliberal policies on the functioning of states and highlights the challenges and dilemmas of prioritizing development especially for developing countries. The author also looks at regional formations like the EU, NAFTA, ASEAN, SAARC, APEC and BRICS and their contributions in political and economic cooperation and trade. The book will be useful to the students, researchers and faculty working in the field of political economy, international relations, economics, political science and development studies"--

The three works examined here deal with Iran's interaction with the international system from a historical perspective and across many dimensions. While the structural and cyclical problems and opportunities between Iran and the international system are conveyed to the reader, analytical and theoretical dimensions are not ignored. However, the three works, due to their publication time, do not include recent developments that have turned the world system upside down ‒the COVID-19 pandemic, the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, the Russia-Ukraine crisis and the rise of China seem to have opened the door to a multi-polar world. The effects of new developments such as advances in technology, digital diplomacy, and the Metaverse on the international system are still at the level of speculation, and Iran will take steps to adapt to this new reality. The emerging, multi-polar world will also increase Iran's maneuverability. The new international order will open up the normative sources of Iran's foreign policy; its structure, which is determined by factional dynamics; and its geopolitical imaginations to the discussion. There is a huge gap in the literature in this regard, and new studies are needed to fill it.

Despite the fact that international courts have proven popular in the last 20 years, systematic and empirical inquiry to determine whether they are beginning to realize their objectives is a fairly recent phenomenon. Support among the publics in the affected countries is critical to their success for, as deGuzman writes, '… the globalization of communications increasingly means that an institution's legitimacy depends on the opinions of ordinary citizens around the world'. I develop a theory of public opinion regarding international criminal justice and test it on support for the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), among peoples of the former Yugoslavia. I contend that support for the ICTY is filtered through individuals' perceptions of the past, present, and future. As one's beliefs about whether conditions are good or improving grow more positive, such positive perceptions are generalized to extend to international institutions that play a major role in shaping those conditions. In addition, I argue that support for the ICTY is strongly influenced by an individual's views of the legitimacy and morality of the law. Ethnicity is also important in differentiating levels of support across the peoples of the former Yugoslavia.

Some features of international interaction patterns in Western Europe are examined both theoretically and empirically. Firstly some essential differences between sociological theories and their implications in the study of interaction are considered. The theory selected pre supposes a structure made up of two classes opposing the interests of the poor and the rich countries, and with a lack of pluralism in the forms of interaction among the members of the system. 'The West' was defined as all the NATO countries and those countries in Europe not be longing to the Warsaw Treaty Organization. The data consist of the number of memberships of 'the West' in International Governmental Organizations (IGO), in International Non- Governmental Organizations (INGO), and in Business International Organizations (BINGO) of each country. The results indicate that the interaction patterns form a hierarchical chain: IGO→INGO→ BINGO. Interaction is stratified according to the wealth of the countries. IGO-memberships can be expressed as the function of GNP, and INGO-memberships as the function of GNP/ capita. BINGO-memberships have some curious features. The dispersion of trade and the voting activity in national elections correlates differently with BINGOs than other forms of interaction. Finally, some implications are dealt with.

The past twenty-five years have witnessed the development and spectacular growth of international broad casting, for a number of reasons: international political conflicts, the national pride of having such a capability, and the development and widespread use of the transistor radio. The character of the audience has changed during these years, and has, in turn, influenced the broadcasters. Where once the listener was willing to tune into a specific program at a given time, he is now more mobile, has more leisure, and has numerous channels of communications competing for his time; therefore, he is unable or unwilling to listen at a certain time. In an attempt to keep pace with the contemporary listener, the Voice of America (VOA), like several other broadcasters, is changing some of its concepts about broadcasting. In place of specific programs, it is initiating what might be called a "service," a blending of program elements built around certain basic landmarks such as news. An international broadcaster today, in order to retain and expand his audience, in the face of competition from other international broadcasters and domestic media, must establish an identity representing his society which the audience can recognize—and he must tell the truth about that society.

Aus italienischer Sicht

Das Investitionsschutzrecht gestattet es ausländischen Investoren nicht erst seit TTIP und CETA, die jeweiligen Gaststaaten vor internationalen Schiedsgerichten auf Schadensersatz zu verklagen. Problematisch ist dabei besonders, dass den Schiedsgerichten ein großer Freiraum eingeräumt wird, da die Vorschriften, auf deren Grundlage sie entscheiden, oft sehr unbestimmt sind. Mit Hilfe einer neu entwickelten Rechtsprinzipientheorie der Legitimität, die auf die Abwägung zwischen dem Schutzinteresse der Investoren und dem effektiven Schutz der von einer Investition betroffenen Individuen abstellt, gelingt es Philipp B. Donath, die Normen des Investitionsschutzrechts präzise und einzelfallbezogen auslegen zu können. Damit konkretisiert der Autor sowohl verfahrens- als auch materiellrechtliche Bestimmungen des Investitionsschutzrechts. Er zeigt so Möglichkeiten einer ganzheitlichen inneren Reform der Investitionsschiedsgerichtsbarkeit auf, die nicht auf institutionelle Änderungen angewiesen ist. / »Proliferation and Legitimation of International Investment Arbitration – Features of a Transnational Judicial Conception of Legitimacy« -- The debate about the legitimacy of international investment arbitration started even before TTIP and CETA called public attention. Philipp B. Donath sets the pattern for a novel legal theory of legitimacy, on which basis he concretises procedural as well as substantive investment law provisions. He hereby shows opportunities for an integrated reform of the investment arbitration system, which does not depend on institutional reforms

Die Neueinschätzung westlicher Gesellschaft im Zuge der programmatisch-politischen Wandlung Moskaus gaben entscheidende Anstöße für das neue Denken und Handeln der KPdSU-Reformer gegenüber den linken Parteien und Bewegungen in Westeuropa. Mit der zunehmenden Distanzierung von der kommunistischen Orthodoxie in Westeuropa steigt das Interesse der KPdSU an den sozialdemokratisch-sozialistischen Parteien und an der sie vereinigenden Sozialistischen Internationale. Aus der Sicht der KPdSU-Reformer bildet die Sozialdemokatie eine zukunftsweisende Kraft mit erheblichem Einfluß auf die Gestaltung der Kooperations- und Integrationsprozesse in Europa. In der westeuropäischen Linken sehen die Reformer in Moskau einen konstruktiven Partner für den Aufbau des "gemeinsamen eueropäischen Hauses". Eine weitere Annäherung der KPdSU an die internationale Sozialdemokratie ist ebenso wahrscheinlich, wie die Bereitschaft der SI zu einer schrittweisen Einbeziehung der KPdSU-Reformströmung in die Sozialistische Internationale. (BIOst-Ldg)