Jihad and Counter-Jihad in Europe: Islamic Radicals, Right-Wing Extremists, and Counter-Terrorism Responses
In: Terrorism and political violence, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 383-394
ISSN: 1556-1836
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In: Terrorism and political violence, Band 28, Heft 2, S. 383-394
ISSN: 1556-1836
In: Middle East quarterly, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 11-18
ISSN: 1073-9467
In: Gender and Far Right Politics in Europe, S. 49-64
In: Parliamentary affairs: a journal of representative politics, Band 15, S. 347-354
ISSN: 0031-2290
In: South European society & politics, Band 14, Heft 3, S. 273-295
ISSN: 1360-8746
In: Terrorism and political violence, Band 34, Heft 7, S. 1339-1356
ISSN: 1556-1836
In: ZRex: Zeitschrift für Rechtsextremismusforschung, Band 2, Heft 1, S. 159-179
ISSN: 2701-9632
Gesellschaftskritik von rechts hat Konjunktur: Rechtspopulistische Parteien und Bewegungen erklären sich derzeit in vielen Staaten zum Sprachrohr (angeblich) unterdrückter Meinungen. Nicht erst seit der Covid-19-Pandemie ist das Internet dabei zentraler Schauplatz der Auseinandersetzungen. Der These folgend, dass rechtsextreme Narrative inzwischen auch in gesamtgesellschaftlichen Debatten ausgemacht werden können, haben wir Videos der Social-Media-Plattform YouTube auf diese Narrative analysiert. Gemeinsamen Bezug bilden die jüngsten Ereignisse um die Regulierung von Abtreibung in Polen, wo im Oktober 2020 das geltende Abtreibungsrecht für verfassungswidrig erklärt wurde, und Argentinien, dessen Regierung Abtreibung am 30. Dezember 2020 legalisierte. Während im analysierten Diskursausschnitt Frauenrechte und eine liberale Abtreibungspolitik oft positive Bewertung finden, bieten diese Themen auch Anlass hitziger Debatten, die häufig in Beleidigung, Herabwürdigung oder Hass umschlagen. Sexismus, Misogynie und vor allem Antifeminismus können dabei als besonders geeignete Anknüpfungspunkte für rechtsextreme Inhalte identifiziert werden.
In: Psychologie & Gesellschaftskritik, Band 37, Heft 3/4, S. 73-93
Die Notwendigkeit einer auf Mädchen und junge Frauen zugeschnittenen Rechtsextremismus-Prävention wird in jüngerer Zeit verstärkt wahrgenommen, eine subjekttheoretische, sozialwissenschaftliche und -pädagogische Aspekte verbindende Konzeption existiert jedoch noch nicht. Dieser Beitrag diskutiert Elemente des Eingreifens in rechtsextrem mitbestimmte Alltagspraxen von Mädchen und jungen Frauen.
In: Obrana a strategie: Defence & strategy, Band 24, Heft 1, S. 107-123
ISSN: 1802-7199
As the Russia-Ukraine war constitutes the most severe security challenge Europe has faced since the Cold War's end, many states have realized the fragility of statehood, which an aggressor can destroy overnight. Although this concern is valid, it should not overshadow other security threats. Unlike other authors addressing the phenomenon of foreign fighters in the war, the present article investigates the involvement of Ukrainian right-wing extremists regarding the pre-2022 development, during which the growing sociocultural nationalism, militarism, and tolerance of ultranationalist and ethnonational groups helped shrink their isolation. While they might have played an important role in Ukraine's territorial defence, heavily armed and combat-skilled right-wing extremists might pose a severe threat to Ukraine's post-war restoration. Initially, whereas a literature review indicates the hitherto research and positions the article's inquiry within it, existing theoretical approaches define the observed actors. Based on the open-source intelligence data collection from Telegram and content analysis, the article identified several Ukrainian and also foreign right-wing extremists involved in the war despite its focus on the former. It concludes that the predecessor authors' debated threats associated with the latter, i.e., physical threats, organizational challenges, and wider societal consequences, should be primarily applied to Ukraine.
In: German politics and society, Band 27, Heft 2, S. 92-107
ISSN: 1558-5441
Right-wing extremist and populist parties operate in a rather difficult social and political environment in Germany, rendering notable electoral success fairly improbable, especially when compared to other European countries. The main reason for this is the continuing legacy of the Nazi past. Nevertheless the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) managed to gain substantial votes in recent Land elections and became the leading force in the right-wing extremist political camp. Its success is attributable to rightwing extremist attitudes in some parts of the electorate in connection with a widespread feeling of political discontent. Nevertheless, it is questionable whether the NPD will be able to transform these attitudes into a viable ideological basis for two main reasons. On the one hand, maintaining a neo-Nazi ideology makes the NPD unattractive to many potential voters. On the other hand, given its internal power struggles and severe financial problems, the party may be unable to meet its challenges in organizational terms.
In: Studies in conflict and terrorism, S. 1-27
ISSN: 1521-0731
In: The RUSI journal: publication of the Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies, Band 166, Heft 1, S. 22-31
ISSN: 1744-0378
In: Moving the Social, Band 66, S. 43-62
ISSN: 2197-0394
In this article, I give an overview on nativist street protests in Germany from the early nineteenth century to the present from an historical perspective. In a preliminary remark, I will reflect on some recent developments in Germany, where nativist protest campaigns against immigration took place in the streets when voters were turning towards the populist radical right party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD). In the first section, I will outline an older tradition of anti-immigration protest in nineteenth and early twentieth century Germany, which is closely connected to modern antisemitism. In sections two and three, I will retrace how, from the late 1960s onward, the far right in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) discovered concerns about immigration in the German population, addressed them in protest campaigns and developed narratives to integrate such sentiments into a broader right-wing extremist ideology, itself deeply rooted in antisemitism. Studying nativism and the radical right from an actor-oriented perspective, I will focus on traditionalist movements, including the Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD) and neo-Nazi groups.
In: German politics: Journal of the Association for the Study of German Politics, Band 26, Heft 2, S. 235-254
ISSN: 0964-4008
World Affairs Online
In: The RUSI journal: publication of the Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies, Band 164, Heft 2, S. 10-23
ISSN: 1744-0378