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Contributed articles

The heart of this reflection is the affirmation that "the existence and participation of social movements of which identity goes beyond of particular demands (unions, ecologists, pacifists, of generation or genre), guarantee the advance of strategic demands, in other words, guarantee the construction of a new society, in or out of the government. Also, the existence of political parties, of which way of government goes beyond of institutions, economy or society management, guarantee the socio-political and economic movement advances and consolidates. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/cultura.v17i54.766 Cultura de Paz Año 17 No 54 40-45 ; El corazón de esta reflexión está en la afirmación de que "la existencia y participación de los movimientos sociales cuya identidad rebasa las reivindicaciones particulares (gremiales, sindicales, ecológicas, pacifistas, de generación o de género) garantiza el avance de las reivindicaciones estratégicas, es decir, garantiza, estando o no estando en el gobierno, la construcción de una nueva sociedad. Igualmente, la existencia de partidos políticos cuya forma de gobierno rebasa la administración de las instituciones, economías o sociedades existentes, garantiza que el movimiento socio-político y económico en su conjunto avance y se consolide." DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/cultura.v17i54.766 Cultura de Paz Año 17 No 54 40-45

A central issue about social movements is whether or not their needs- eg women's, Green's, welfare recipients' - are relevant to society at large; whether their needs are universal or specific. Theorists divide between those stressing the specificity of movement needs and others their universality - a division at the core of debates about postmodem politics. This: article argues that Touraine's, Melucci's and Laclau & Mouffe's accounts maintain a particularist view alongside a problem atic universalism. By contrast, writers as diverse as Habermas, Doyal & Gough and Townsend provide more coherent accounts of universal and particular needs. These maintain the universality of: real needs, despite their cultural variations; social norms; and notions of human natute, which provide important rational foundations for social policy

AbstractWhile sociologists have paid a great deal of attention to how political elites matter for the emergence and development of social movements, they have focused less explicitly on how political elites matter for the culture of social movements. This essay reviews work that directly and indirectly addresses this relationship, showing how political elites matter for various aspects of movement culture, like collective identity and framing. It also reviews literature that suggests how movement culture comes to impact political elites. The essay concludes by drawing from very recent scholarship to argue that to best understand political elites and the culture of social movements, we need to think about culture and structure as intertwined and to understand how relations matters in the construction of meaning.

"Preface " -- "List of Contributors" -- "Contents" -- "List of Figures" -- "List of Tables" -- "Part I: Social Movements in Chile" -- "Chapter 1: Introduction: Social Movements in Contemporary Chile" -- "The Intertwined Relations Among Social Movements, States, and Political Parties in Latin America" -- "Theoretical Challenges and a Research Agenda" -- "Shifting Relationships Between Social Movements and the Institutional Terrain in Chile" -- "Structure and Contents of the Book" -- "Notes" -- "References" -- "Chapter 2: Shifting Relationships Between Social Movements and Institutional Politics" -- "Introduction" -- "Two Theses on the Relations Between Social Movements and Polity Members: Closeness and Detachment" -- "Growing Collective Protest in Chile" -- "Detached Social Movements" -- "Protestors Are Increasingly Disengaged from Institutional Politics21" -- "Political Parties Barely Participate in Collective Protests" -- "Movements Rely Little in Polity Members for Mobilizing Resources" -- "Movements Build Their Collective Action Frames as a Reaction to the Deficiencies of Institutional Politics" -- "Movement Links with Polity Members Are Mostly Instrumental" -- "Can Movements Be Influential Even If Detached? The Role of Protest Tactics" -- "Consequential Differences in Collective Protest: The Student and Mapuche Movements" -- "Conclusions" -- "Notes" -- "References" -- "Part II: Case Studies" -- "Chapter 3: "Outsider" and "Insider" Strategies: Chile's Student Movement, 1990–2014" -- "Introduction" -- "A Historically Grounded and Relational Understanding of Social Movement Strategies" -- "Protest Waves and Strategizing: Defining Demands, Tactics, Arenas, and Targets" -- "The Transition to Democracy and Disarticulation of Collective Action" -- "The 2001 Mochilazo

AbstractThis essay reviews recent and less recent literature on the consequences of social movements and protest activities. It focuses on three types of consequences: political, personal and biographical, and cultural. Political consequences and, in particular, policy outcomes receive most attention, as they are those which have been addresses most often by students of social movements. The review of existing work shows that the field is full of valuable works dealing with this crucial issue and is rapidly growing thanks in particular to a new wave of scholars interested in this topic. Further work should pay more attention to the unintended consequences of social movements, look also at other types of impacts, and carry more comparative analyses.

This essay reviews recent and less recent literature on the consequences of social movements and protest activities. It focuses on three types of consequences: political, personal and biographical, and cultural. Political consequences and, in particular, policy outcomes receive most attention, as they are those which have been addresses most often by students of social movements. The review of existing work shows that the field is full of valuable works dealing with this crucial issue and is rapidly growing thanks in particular to a new wave of scholars interested in this topic. Further work should pay more attention to the unintended consequences of social movements, look also at other types of impacts, and carry more comparative analyses.

This paper will explore two sets of relationships that have until now received relatively little scholarly attention: between women and political parties, and between political parties and social movements that organize women. The focus of this paper will be on South Asia, with case studies of Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and, given the area of expertise of the author, particularly India. The paper will address a range of issues concerning women, parties and movements in South Asia. First, what determines the success of political parties in recruiting, retaining and promoting women? To what extent are there systematic differences between parties of the left, right and centre, and between national and regional parties in this regard? How common and effective are quotas for increasing women's representation within parties? How effectively have the women's wings of political parties defended women's interests? A second issue concerns the strategies that parties adopt to gain women's support during elections. Parties have increasingly directed their appeals at particular groups, including women, by addressing their distinctive interests and identities and by having women organize electoral campaigns. At what point, if any, do parties that receive significant support from women feel compelled to represent their interests? To what extent have women's movements exploited parties' need for women's votes by pressuring them to address certain issues or to honour their pre-election commitments? Third, what is the relationship between women's leadership and women's representation in political parties? From Srimavo Bandranaike to Chandrika Kumaratunga, Khaleda Zia, Sheikh Hasina, Indira Gandhi and Benazir Bhutto, South Asia has had the largest number of female heads of state of any region in the world. What impact have they had on women's participation in party politics during their tenure in office? What are the systemic or structural obstacles to their effectiveness? A fourth issue concerns relationship between political parties and social movements. How successful have women's movements been when they have tried to strengthen parties' commitments to gender equality? A second kind of social movement with which parties have allied in the ethnic/religious movement. What implications has this had for women's participation?

In recent years, political polarization has received increased attention in the United States. Reports suggest that partisan differences have greatly deepened in the past several decades, and that this polarization has had a number of deleterious effects. However, some debate remains as to the etiology of political orientation and political choice—some suggest that political choices can be modeled as utility-optimizing economic actions, while others posit the existence of "moral foundations" that serve as the underpinnings of ideology. We take a quantitative approach to investigating these questions, examining over 80,000 posts from 50 liberal and 50 conservative blogs from the latter half of 2012, around the time of the United States presidential election. In our analysis, we employ Linguistic Inquiry and Word Count, a tool that measures the use of salient linguistic markers in digital texts. The markers examined include function words such as pronouns, articles, and prepositions; researchers have found that the frequency of usage of these words has correlations with a number of phenomena, including age, gender, wealth, and the success or failure of social interactions. Our investigation reveals that some divergence exists between the frequencies of use of these words by liberals and conservatives. By examining these divergences, we find support for a moral foundations approach to understand ideological differences. Our contribution adds to the discourse on the etiology of political choice and probes the ways in which ideological orientation affects written language.

Interactions between US political parties and social movements range from those that emphasize closeness to those that seek to preserve distance. Although previously unrecognized in organizational analysis, these strategies are similar to ones of bridging and buffering. Where they differ both from inter-organizational relations among firms and from among other non-profits, this is due to the importance movements attach to autonomy, manifested in their antagonistic reactions to political parties and rooted in the importance they attach to ideology.

"This volume explores several notable themes related to social, political, and religious movements in Latin America and offers insightful historical perspectives to understand national, regional, and global issues from the beginning of the twentieth century to the present day. This volume's collected chapters focus on the Latin American society and are divided into three sections. The first section, Social, presents some cultural, demographic, and urban changes that have occurred with increasing frequency in Latin America from the early twentieth century onward. The second section, Political, shows migratory, political, and identity movements that in recent decades have re-emerged with force. Finally, the third section, Religious, analyzes various Latin American religious visions with their particular characteristics. From the religious hegemony of Catholicism, a change in the religious panorama in the last decades can be seen intermingled with politics, history, and society"--