Over two decades have passed since China made its first formal presence in Africa in 1955; since then, China has become a major actor with vital interests in the continent. The greater part of Chinese-African interaction occurred from 1960 to 1965, a high point of African decolonization & a time of Sino-Soviet conflict. From 1965 to 1970 Chinese-African interaction coincided with the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Since 1970, China has reemerged as a major actor in Africa, & its role there has three major components: (1) the Chinese model, (2) the superpowers, & (3) China's Third World policy. The call to liberation struggles has long been a hallmark of Chinese policy. The Chinese model also relates to China's developmental experience. China has stressed struggle against the superpowers (the US & the USSR) & has identified with the Third World against them. Africa has occupied a central place in Chinese foreign policy, & it is felt that China can retain its presence there as long as it responds to the evolving nature of the African character. Modified HA.
The drive for independence in Africa was first propounded by blacks in America in the philosophies of Pan-Africanism, African personality, & negritude in the early part of this century. Africans derived support from the Atlantic Charter & from the weakening by WWII of the European empires in Africa. The most important meeting leading to the formation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) was the Conference of Independent African States in April 1958. In the same year another group, the Pan-African Freedom Movement of East & Central Africa, was formed, & by 1963 membership included eighteen countries. Between 1960 & 1962, twenty-three states achieved independence. On 25 May 1963, the OAU charter was signed, uniting forty-seven independent black & Arab nations to promote solidarity among member states. One of the most important OAU objectives has been decolonization of Africa, but even after this is achieved, the OAU will still be united in facing the numerous problems of political, economic, & social development in Africa. Modified HA.
This essay proposes to look at the emergence of two embodied martial arts from Brazil and India as tools of resistance against colonization on one hand while also comprising different kind of masculinities in postcolonial national narratives, on the other. The bodies of African slaves and Kalaripayattu martial artists became the spaces over which the contesting colonial powers met and then wrote their violent histories of dominance and power. These bodies, however, reacted violently through their disguised or secret martial moves, thus creating a counter-narrative with which to write back. Perceived as a threat, they were banned by their colonial masters; modern democratic Brazil and independent India later welcomed them back and 'flaunted' them to accommodate them in a deserving space of dignity within their respective national tourism industries.[1]However, today they risk being appropriated by neoliberal and global promoters of hyper-masculinity or by conservative right-wing ultra-nationalists. These people have continued to resist such moves as political and epistemological interests are increasingly challenged by the above mentioned forces. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed
Postcolonial societies are characterized by: (1) their transitional nature, & (2) their deliberate efforts to redefine their cultures. Cultural engineering, ie, the deliberate political effort to channel behavior toward maximizing national objectives, particularly national integration, demands the notion of culture as an interventionist agent. Since independence, African politics have focused on the search for institutions & strategies to promote nation-building, economic development, & national & continental unity. African nations face the problem of how to select national inspirational symbols which do not alienate their traditions. A related problem is the conflict between national cultural identity & growing cultural convergence. To be effective, cultural policy must be lived by the people who are the culture-builders. It cannot be achieved without cultural strain, & even among countries sharing a similar colonial experience, cultural policy may vary. Modified HA.
"Smash the Pillars builds on the efforts by scholars and activists to decolonize Dutch history and memory, as they resist the epistemological violence imposed by the state, its institutions, and dominant narratives. Contributions offer an unparalleled glimpse into decolonial activism in the Dutch kingdom and provide us with a new lens to view contemporary decolonial efforts. The book argues that to fully decolonize Dutch society, the current social organization in the Kingdom of the Netherlands relying on separate pillars for each religious and/or racial group, must be dismantled."--Publisher's description
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The objectives of the educational policies of the current Mexican government through the New Mexican School (NEM) propose a democratic, equitable, comprehensive, inclusive and intercultural education, the country's structural inequality remains. Educational policies, strongly linked to race, social class and gender relations, favors the reproduction of a conservative educational strategy that places native communities in a colonial epistemic relationship, favoring prejudices, biases and hegemonic stereotypes that affect the exercise of fundamental human rights. The coexistence with students of the Universidad de la Tierra-CIDECI in the framework of the stay at the International Center for Social Innovation (CIIS) of the Tecnológico de Monterrey, the words shared among the students and the research on the Zapatista educational practice and the decolonial theory, fostered a critical political-educational analysis that situates the Universidad de la Tierra-CIDECI model as an alternative to the exclusion, standardization, exploitation and disregard for the native communities and their ways of life in the current neoliberal capitalism. The Universidad de la Tierra-CIDECI project constitutes a decolonial process of autonomy, gender equity, and defense of the territories. ; Los objetivos de las políticas educativas del actual gobierno mexicano a través de la Nueva Escuela Mexicana (NEM) proponen una educación democrática, equitativa, integral, inclusiva e intercultural, la desigualdad estructural del país se mantiene. Las políticas educativas, fuertemente vinculada a las relaciones de raza, clase social y género favorece la reproducción de una estrategia educativa conservadora que coloca a las comunidades originarias en una relación epistémica colonial, favoreciendo los prejuicios, sesgos y estereotipos hegemónicos que afectan el ejercicio de los derechos humanos fundamentales. A partir de la convivencia con estudiantes de la Universidad de la Tierra-CIDECI en el marco de la estancia en el Centro Internacional para la ...
In South Africa, where the current movement to decolonize universities and cultural institutions has drawn international attention, its arguments often clash with the historical realities of apartheid.
In order to decolonize the history of philosophy against the fabrication of translatio studiorum as the unilinear path connecting Greek thought and sciences to medieval European Christianity, we need to pluralize that history. And to manifest in our textbooks that translatio studiorum is not just Jerusalem-AthensRome-Paris or London or Heidelberg … but, as well: Athens-Nishapur-BagdadCordoba-Fez-Timbuktu …. To decolonize the history of philosophy is also to take into account the plurality of languages, in order to consider the perspectives introduced by tongues other than European, and thus undo the "ontological nationalism" upon which rests the assumption that philosophical exercise is intrinsically tied to certain (European) languages.
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Calls to 'decolonize' sociology and make social science more responsive to the concerns of postcolonial thought have proliferated in recent years. But what exactly is the postcolonial critique, and what are its dangers and possibilities? This lecture builds upon these calls to decolonize sociology while also pushing the postcolonial project further. It offers an analysis of the lineage of postcolonial thought and its apparent opposition to sociological thought. It then specifies the postcolonial critique of sociology and asks how sociology can best respond. A range of examples from social theory, the history of empire, and militarized policing help us better appreciate the need for the postcolonial turn.
The current decolonizing global health movement is calling us to take a post-colonial perspective at the research and practice of global health, an area that has been re-defined by contemporary scholars and advocates with the purpose of promoting equity and justice. In this article, we summarize the main points of discussion from the Symposium organized by the editorial board of Global Health Research and Policy, convened in July 2021 in Wuhan, China. Experts participating in the symposium discussed what decolonizing global health means, how to decolonize it, and what criteria to apply in measuring its completion. Through the meeting, a consensus was reached that the current status quo of global health is still replete with various forms of colonial vestiges-ideologies and practices-, and to fully decolonize global health, systemic reforms must be taken that target the fundamental assumptions of global health: does investment in global health bring socioeconomic development, or is it the other way around? Three levels of colonial vestiges in global health were raised and one guiding principle was proposed when thinking of solutions for them. More theoretical discussion needs to be explored to guide practices to decolonize global health.
In this paper, I propose some reflections on the colonial effects of the forensic turn as a dominant epistemic field to deal with death in contexts of mass crimes and the exhumation of human remains. I consider my own observations done in more than a decade of ethnographic work with relatives of missing persons and three years of ethnography by the mass grave in Mexico. Finally, in an act of political imagination, I propose a project of an emotional science that makes possible to decolonize the exhumation field, from collaborative research processes against the epistemic violence around the treatment of death and justice and the recognition of social, symbolic and spiritual resources that communities have to deal with the excess of atrocities. ; En este artículo planteo algunas reflexiones sobre los efectos coloniales del giro forense como campo epistémico dominante para lidiar con la muerte en contextos de crímenes masivos y exhumación de restos humanos. Considero mis propias observaciones realizadas en más de una década de trabajo etnográfico con familiares de personas desaparecidas y tres años de etnografía a pie de fosas en varias regiones de México. Al final, en un acto de imaginación política, propongo como horizonte una ciencia afectiva que haga posible descolonizar el campo de las exhumaciones, desde procesos de investigación colaborativa que interpelen la violencia epistémica en torno al tratamiento de la muerte y la justicia y den cuenta de los recursos sociales, simbólicos y espirituales que tienen las comunidades para lidiar con el exceso de las atrocidades. ; Neste artigo, proponho algumas reflexões sobre os efeitos coloniais da virada forense como campo epistêmico dominante para lidar com a morte em contextos de crimes em massa e na exumação de restos humanos. Considero minhas próprias observações feitas em mais de uma década de trabalho etnográfico com parentes de pessoas desaparecidas e três anos de etnografia ao pé do túmulo no México. Ao final, em um ato de imaginação política, proponho como horizonte uma ciência afetiva que possibilite descolonizar o campo das exumações, a partir de processos colaborativos de pesquisa que interpelam a violência epistêmica em torno do tratamento da morte e da justiça e dar conta os recursos sociais, simbólicos e espirituais que as comunidades têm para lidar com o excesso de atrocidades.
In this performance autoethnography I am talking about the "new writing" that is everywhere, but still, it is also nowhere. This is also about Conde, a poor Black Brazilian soccer fan. Mixing together stories I wrote for my master thesis, memories, notes, and 'leftovers' of my field work, my lived experiences, plus six years of my life as grad student at the University of Illinois, I am looking for ways to decolonize inquiry; to decolonize academia. This performance discusses and interrogates forms of representation, knowledge production and experience, method and theory, about the other. All of these issues are pertinent to any field of knowledge which deals with issues of social justice in the lives of human beings.
Decolonization in Africa was a pol'al issue resolved in an essentially pragmatic context but debated mainly in ideological terms. The discrepancy between policy making on the Cabinet level & the prevailing att's in the British Conservative Party can be interpreted as a consequence of the meaning attached to the racial issue in the context of the decolonization debate. The debate in Britain, unlike the one in Africa did not entail direct race relations implications. Thus the gulf between policy considerations & traditional alt's could be ignored by the policy makers. Policy decisions were presented in a manner which appealed to the pragmatic element in the conservative tradition, while lip service was paid to traditional paternalism. Thus a confrontation of principles was avoided & conservative att's could lag behind the change of policy. AA.
The Russian full-fledged invasion of Ukraine intensified the discussion in the academia about the urgent need to decolonize Russian, Slavic, and Eurasian studies and finally to remove the Russo-centric bias, which has structured