Suchergebnisse

After a long process of peace negotiations the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was signed on 9 January 2005 between the Government of Sudan (GOS) and the Sudan People's Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). The CPA raised initial hopes that it would be the foundation block for lasting peace in Sudan. This book compiles scholarly analyses of the implementation of the power sharing agreement of the CPA, of ongoing conflicts with particular respect to land issues, of the challenges of the reintegration of internally displaced people and refugees, and of the repercussions of the CPA in other regions of Sudan as well as in neighbouring countries. Elke Grawert is Senior Lecturer at the Institute for Intercultural & International Studies (InIIS), Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Bremen, Germany

The focus of this article is civil war peace agreement duration from 1989 to 2005. Recent work by Hartzell and Hoddie (2003, 2007) has argued that power-sharing provisions have a cumulative impact. In other words, the more power-sharing provisions there are built into an agreement, the greater the prospects for peace. Our basic theoretical premise is that power-sharing provisions that are costlier to government and more difficult to implement will decrease the life span of the peace agreement because of government motivations to renegotiate and rebel incentive to strike preemptively before the government does or out of frustration because of delays in implementing costly provisions. In other words, governments will abandon the agreement because it concedes too much or rebels will abandon the agreement because of delays in implementation and/or to move preemptively. We look at three forms of power-sharing provisions: military (integration of rebels into army), territorial (autonomy), and political (shared government). Civil war peace agreements can expire after being replaced by a new agreement or if at least one party abandons the agreement. Hazard models are specified controlling for democracy score at time of signing, intensity of war, GDP per capita, and type of agreement.The results indicate that the less costly concessions by government of military integration and autonomy increase the duration of peace agreements, while political power-sharing provisions have a negative though insignificant impact on duration.

In spite of the fact that substantial progress has been made in the improvement of relations between China and Taiwan, there have been no talks on sensitive political issues. Beijing's proposal for a cross-strait peace agreement is put on hold. Disagreement over the sovereignty of one China and the political reality in Taiwan have conspired to create an apparent impasse and contributed to an indefinite delay of the negotiations. At the moment, a large section of Taiwanese people do not seem to want this peace agreement. The ruling Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) cannot afford to start negotiations without a strong domestic consensus. This article examines the political situation in Taiwan, analyzes the main obstacles to reaching a cross-strait peace agreement, and explores possible solutions. (Asian Aff/GIGA)

This paper models the instability of peace agreements, motivated by the empirical regularity with which peace agreements tend to break down following civil war. When war provides opportunities for profit to one side, or when other difficulties such as historical grievances exist, peace may become incentive incompatible. The party that has something to gain from surprise warfare may agree to peace, but will later renege on it. It is shown that the levels of conflict chosen by this group are an increasing function of both grievance and greed, but decreasing in the direct costs of war. Peace is achievable via externally devised mechanisms that enhance commitment to peace. Aid and direct military peacekeeping intervention (sanctions) can reduce or eliminate conflict. These sanctions, however, need to be credible. Finally, the independent provision and finance of international sanctions are considered. When these arrangements yield little benefit to financial sponsors, or are very costly to them, the bite of the sanctions can become ineffective.

Protocols on wealth & power sharing are at the heart of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement & are the key building blocks of the process to build a new Sudan. Adapted from the source document.

The article debunks the conception that peace agreements are all equal. Distinct from the conventional monocausal assessment, I view the peace agreement as a cohesive whole and evaluate its strength in terms of its structural and procedural provisions. I use data on the length of intrastate peace episodes during the period from 1946 to 2010. My key finding is that the design quality of the peace agreement has a significant impact on the durability of peace. Agreements that are carefully designed to deal with all obstacles to cooperation have the strongest pacifying effect among armed conflict outcomes. The article sets forth ways to sharpen the performance of conflict management operations in war-torn countries.

Introduction 1. - Chapter 1. The United Nations Resolutions on Women, Peace and Security 9. - Chapter 2. The Gender of Peace Agreements 47. - Chapter 3. Overview of Gender Provisions in Peace Agreements 97. - Chapter 4. Women's Political Participation in Peace Agreements 153. - Chapter 5. Gender-Based Violence 193. - Chapter 6. Perspectives from the Field 257. - Conclusion 293

The adoption of Security Council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security in October 2000 marked the beginning of a global agenda on women in armed conflicts and post-conflict transition. Women, Peace and Security: Repositioning gender in peace agreements discusses the context and the content of this UN agenda and provides a systematic review of its implementation, over the last fifteen years, in peace agreements around the world. This book is timely, offering a valuable contribution to the literature on gender in armed conflicts, peace agreements, peace mediation, and transitional justice and is essential reading for practitioners and scholars working in this field. The study adopts an interdisciplinary approach to raise key theoretical and practical questions often overlooked by scholars working within the strict boundaries of the distinct disciplines. The book introduces a new dataset on peace agreements that provides important comprehensive evidence on the extent to which resolution 1325 and other subsequent resolutions on women, peace and security have impacted on peace agreements. Through the reflections of elite peacemakers, the book provides additional insights into the practice of peacemaking and the challenges of implementing the UN resolutions on women, peace and security on the ground. The findings of this book have important policy implications for governments, international organisations and NGOs who must refocus their efforts on bridging the gap between the theory and practice of gender sensitive peacemaking.'This exceptional study on the women, peace and security council resolutions is a significant contribution to the peace and security literature across multiple fields. Sahla Aroussi has produced a detailed, grounded and thoughtful assessment of the past fifteen years of United Nations Security Council resolutions grounded in thorough policy analysis and underpinned by a unique dataset. The work is particularly timely in light of the Global Study on the Women Peace and Security being undertaken in 2015. This thoughtful and scholarly analysis is grounded in a thorough and detailed empirical study, giving policy makers and academics substantial fodder for future work and reflection.Sahla Aroussi is to be commended for producing a work of immense depth and substance at such an important juncture in the contemporary history of the women, peace and security agenda. The book is a must read for policy makers, feminists and scholars workin ...

Remarks before the Salvadoran National Assembly, Jan. 17, 1992.