Suchergebnisse

Este trabajo ofrece una visión en detalle del proceso de negociación entre el Partido socialista Obrero Español y la Confederación de Derechas Monárquicas leales a don Juan de Borbón, la cual condujo finalmente a la frágil alianza firmada en el conocido como pacto de San Juan de Luz. El análisis del proceso antedicho, iniciado con el encuentro entre el socialista Prieto y el monárquico Gil Robles en Londres en octubre de 1947 y cerrado en agosto de 1948 en el pueblo francés de San Juan de Luz, sirve para extraer conclusiones sobre el estado objetivo de ambas fuerzas políticas exiliadas, su relación y las causas que llevaron al fracaso de la política de conciliación entre las opuestas fuerzas de la izquierda y derecha liberal española.This work offers a view in detail of the process of negotiation between the Socialist Party of Spanish Workers and the Confederation of Spanish Rightists loyal to don Juan de Borbón, which ultimately led to the fragile alliance signed in the so called San Juan de Luz's pact. The analysis of the aforementioned process, initiated with the encounter between the socialist Prieto and the monarchist Gil Robles in London in October of 1947 and closed in august of 1948 in the French village of San Juan de Luz, serves to draw conclusions about the real significance of both exiled political forces, their relationship and the causes that led to the fail of the politics of conciliation between the opposed liberal forces of Spanish right and left.

Many authors have predicted that the 21st century will be considered the "Pacific Century", in direct reference to the possibilities that this vast region will become the engine of economic activity and world politics. Within this context, it can be stated that due to their influence on regional security, the countries of Northeast Asia, particularly China, Japan, South Korea and North Korea, play one of the most important roles within the Pacific Rim. Despite certain critical periods, the post-Cold War has made it possible to deepen rapprochement and cooperation between these actors, especially between Japan and South Korea, which has enhanced the gradual emergence of a security regime between the two countries. ; Numerosos autores han vaticinado que el siglo XXI será considerado como el «Siglo del Pacífico», en directa referencia a las posibilidades de que esta extensa región llegue a transformarse en motor de la actividad económica y de la política mundial. Dentro de este contexto, puede afirmarse que por su influencia en la seguridad regional, los países del Noreste Asiático, particularmente, China, Japón, Corea del Sur y Corea del Norte, desempeñan uno de los papeles más importantes dentro de la Cuenca del Pacífico. Pese a ciertos periodos críticos, la post Guerra Fría ha permitido profundizar el acercamiento y la cooperación entre estos actores, especialmente, entre Japón y Corea del Sur, lo cual ha potenciado el paulatino surgimiento de un régimen de seguridad entre ambos países.

Accepts you or not the forced displacement constitutes the clearestexpression of the internal armed conflict. Colombia, Sudan and Angolashare the responsibility of being the three producing countries ofgreater displacement forced of the world; this situation in the nationalplane has taken to that is qualified of humanitarian catastrophe, on thepart of international organisms and national and international non government organizations.In this work it is tned to explore the magnitude of the problem, nationaland international jurisprudence on the forced displacement, theantecedents and the context of the internal displacement, thedifference settles down between refugees and displaced; and finally,present to you a reflection in front of the complex process of formulationof the politics it publishes social in front of the displacement forced inColombia, ernphastzíng not only its reach but also its limitations. ; Acéptese o no el desplazamiento forzado constituye la más claraexpresión del conflicto armado interno. Colombia, Sudán y Angolacomparten la responsabilidad de ser los tres países productores demayor desplazamiento forzado del mundo; esta situación en el planonacional ha llevado a que sea calificada de catástrofe humanitaria, porparte de organismos internacionales y organizaciones nogubernamentales nacionalese internacionales.En este trabajo se intenta explorar la magnitud del problema, lajurisprudencia nacionale internacional sobre el desplazamiento forzado,los antecedentes y el contexto del desplazamiento interno, seestablece la diferencia entre refugiados y desplazados; y finalmente, seplantea una reflexión frente al complejo proceso de formulación de lapolítica publica social frente al desplazamiento forzado en Colombia,destacando no sólo su alcance sino también sus limitaciones.

This paper studies electoral competition in a model of redistributive politics with deterministic voting and heterogeneous voter loyalties to political parties. We construct a natural measure of party strength based on the sizes and intensities of a party's loyal voter segments and demonstrate how party behavior varies with the two parties' strengths. In equilibrium, parties target or poach a strict subset of the opposition party's loyal voters: offering those voters a high expected transfer, while freezing out the remainder with a zero transfer. The size of the subset of opposition voters frozen out and, consequently, the level of inequality in utilities generated by a party's equilibrium redistribution schedule is increasing in the opposition party's strength. We also construct a measure of political polarization that is increasing in the sum and symmetry of the parties' strengths, and find that the expected ex-post inequality in utilities of the implemented policy is increasing in political polarization. ; In dieser Studie wird der Wahlkampf in einem Modellrahmen mit umverteilender Politik untersucht. Dabei gehen wir von den Annahmen deterministischen Wahlverhaltens und heterogenen Wählerbindung an die politischen Parteien aus. Wir generieren eine natürliche Messgröße für die Stärke einer Partei. Sie beruht auf der Größe und Intensität der parteiloyalen Wählersegmente und zeigt wie sich das Verhalten der Parteien verändert in Abhängigkeit von der Stärke der beiden Parteien. Im Gleichgewicht versuchen die Parteien einen Teil der loyalen Wählerschaft der Gegenpartei mit dem Versprechen hoher Transferzahlungen abzuwerben, während den restlichen Teilen der gegnerischen Wählerschaft Null-Transfers in Aussicht gestellt werden. Die Anzahl dieser letzteren Oppositionswähler, die keine Transferzahlungen erhalten werden, und das Niveau der Ungleichverteilung der Nutzen durch die im Gleichgewicht resultierende Umverteilung steigen in Abhängigkeit von der Stärke der Oppositionspartei. Des weiteren wird eine Messgröße der politischen Polarisierung konstruiert, das mit der Summe und Symmetrie der Parteienstärke steigt. Als Ergebnis lässt sich feststellen, dass das erwartete ex-post Ungleichgewicht des Nutzens der implementierten Politik ansteigt, je stärker die politische Polarisierung ist.

Mestrado em Estudos Ingleses ; O objectivo desta tese é a análise do desenvolvimento e funcionamento da Língua Inglês na China de uma perspectiva histórica no âmbito da globalização económica e cultural. Tomando em consideração a relação com as políticas, economia e pedagogia na China, exemplificamos alguns problemas no ensino de inglês na China. Por um lado, examinamos o desenvolvimento das políticas educativas em relação às línguas estrangeiras; por outro, analisamos o desenvolvimento do ensino/aprendizagem do Inglês. Os papéis e estatutos do Inglês na China, bem como questões pedagógicas relacionadas com o ensino do Inglês são analisados através de questionários de várias províncias da China. Finalmente consideramos diferentes variedades de Inglês na China, questões de identidade e cultura e o futuro do Inglês como língua global na China. ; This thesis addresses the question of English as a Global language in China from a historical angle in the context of economic and cultural globalization. Considering the relationship between politics, economics and pedagogy, it exemplifies some problems in China's English education. On the one hand, it analyzes the development of foreign language learning; on the other hand, it looks at the development of the teaching of English as a foreign language. The role and status of English in China, as well as pedagogical issues related to the teaching of English are analyzed through questionnaires from different provinces of China. Finally, it considers different varieties of English in China, questions of identity and the future of English as a global language in China.

Every organization is a part of constantly changing world. The change of environment and human needsinfluence communications, order and traditions of organizations. As the consequence of such a change organizationsmust also change (ex. management styles, aims, politics, personnel formation and evaluation systems, andtechnological systems, etc. can be changed) and every head of changing organization must lead and administer thechanges.This article analyzes the process of administration of changes by paying great attention to the emphasis ofpeculiarities of this process in organizations of two different types – of public and private sector. The aim of thepaper was detailed by three tasks that determined following work structure: the theoretical analysis of administrationof process of change is carried out in the first part by revealing the concept, importance and stages of administration.The importance and essence of power field analysis, as the assumption of successful administration ofchange, is presented in the second part. The third part of the work is for results of administration of changes andtheir analysis.Conclusions received permit to affirm that during the administration of changes it is important to pay attentionto the factors suppressing and prompting the changes. As the analysis of scientific literature and the results ofresearch revealed, in the most cases the factor suppressing the changes is human resistance to changes which can bereduced by involving into the planning and implementation of changes as many potential opponents as it is possible.So the control of resisting forces is the condition for successful changes.

La globalización es uno de los asuntos más abordados desde las ciencias sociales en los últimos años. El mundo se ha transformado radicalmente en todos los ámbitos de la existencia; la política, la economía y la sociedad se han mundializado tras la caída del régimen soviético. Las bonanzas expuestas desde las esferas económicas, financieras, políticas, periodísticas e intelectuales, y que son aceptadas mundialmente, chocan de frente con la progresiva pauperización de la inmensa mayoría de los habitantes del planeta. El presente texto trata de recuperar y condensar las investigaciones en torno al poder simbólico del discurso de enaltecimiento de la sociedad global de uno de los exponentes fundamentales del pensamiento crítico en torno a la globalización: Pierre Bourdieu. ; One of the questions more often dealt with in Social Studies in recent years is globalization. The world has undergone a radical change in all the different arenas in which it performs; following the fall of soviet regime, politics, the economy and society in general have become globalized. The prosperity displayed in economic, financial, political, journalistic and intellectual fields, and which is accepted on al worldwide scale, is clashing head-on with the progressive impoverishment of the vast majority of the world's population. The purpose of this text is to try to recover and condense the research done on the symbolic power of discourse in praise of global society, carried out by one of the most important exponents of critical thought regarding globalization: Pierce Bourdieu.

El año 1480 buena parte de las tierras que conformaban el marquesado de Villena son incorporadas a la corona de Castilla. La nueva unidad jurisdiccional, denominada como Gobernación del Marquesado de Villena, inicia una nueva andadura como territorio de realengo, en la cual sufrirá una serie de transformaciones, originadas en buena parte por su naturaleza fronteriza con el Reino de Valencia, que le llevarán a ir fragmentándose en corregimientos autónomos. Este artículo analiza esa evolución, las causas que llevan a que se vaya fraccionando la original unidad jurisdiccional y política en entidades menores, así como el origen social, económico y geográfico de los delegados regios que se situaron al frente del corregimiento de Chinchilla, Villena y las nueve villas. ; The year 1480 good part of the lands that conformed the marquisate of Villena is incorporate to the crown of Castile. The new jurisdictional unit, denominated as Government of the Marquisate of Villena, begins a new term like royal territory, in which will suffer a series of transformations, originated in good part by its border nature with the Kingdom of Valencia that will take him to go fragmenting in autonomous corregimientos. This article analyzes that evolution, the explanatory causes that the original jurisdictional unit and politics leaves fractioning in smaller entities, as well as the social, economic and geographical origin of the regal delegates that were located to the front of the corregimiento of Chinchilla, Villena and the 'nine villages'.

International audience ; The League of the South (USA) and Lega Nord (Italy), formed in 1994 and 1991 respectively, are nationalist organizations that have utilized claims to Celtic ethnicity to further their appeal. In this article we explore these claims, made in relation to the southern United States and northern Italy, and argue that they are used by these organizations to justify exclusionary politics. By claiming a privileged status for Celtic culture, heritage and genealogy, the League of the South and Lega Nord envision their putative nation-states as accommodating other ethnic groups in subordinate roles. We argue that claiming Celtic ethnicity is an implicit appeal to white privilege. In the proposed nation-states of the Confederate States of America and Padania, white authority would be sustained. Further, the way these groups use Celticness allows them to make links to specific historical and material geographies. Claiming Celtic origins enables northern Italians to distinguish themselves from southern Italians, and to make an associated historical-geographical connection between themselves and northern Europe, enabling disassociation from the Mediterranean. The League of the South claim to 'Anglo-Celtic' ethnicity enables their membership to distinguish themselves from other residents of the United States, be these non-white residents of the southern states or other white people within the USA. Finally, we suggest that some dominant political commitments to multiculturalism facilitate precisely such claims to Celtic origins, however tenuous, to be made in the name of recognizing and protecting cultural difference.

The focus of comparative corporate governance scholarship is shifting from takeovers to controlling shareholders in recognition of the fact that public corporations everywhere but in the U.S. and U.K. are characterized by a shareholder with effective voting control. Debate is now turning to the merits of controlling shareholder systems, both on their own terms and in comparison to the U.S. and U.K. widely held shareholding pattern. To date, the debate has treated the controlling versus widely held distinction as central, disagreeing over whether a particular country owed its characteristic shareholder distribution to the quality of minority shareholder legal protection or to politics. This simple dichotomy is far too coarse to provide an understanding of the diversity of ownership structures and their policy implications. This article complicates the analysis of controlling shareholders and corporate governance by providing a more nuanced taxonomy of controlling shareholder systems. In particular, it distinguishes between efficient and inefficient controlling shareholders, and between pecuniary and non-pecuniary private benefits of control. The analysis establishes that the appropriate dichotomy is between countries with functionally good law, which support companies with both widely held and controlling shareholder distributions, and countries with functionally bad law, which support only controlling shareholder distributions. In this account, the United States and Sweden are the same side, rather than on opposite sides of the dividing line. The articles examines the different understanding of the role of controlling shareholders in corporate governance and the policy implications that flow from a taxonomy that focuses on support of diverse shareholder distributions.

We compare patterns of electoral rule choice in two periods, that following the First World War in Western Europe & that following the end of the Cold War in Central & Eastern Europe. Heretofore, scholars have studied these two instances of electoral rule choice separately & have come to quite different conclusions about the implications of strategic behavior of the relevant actors. In the case of early 20th Century Western Europe, Rokkan & later Boix cast the choice of electoral rules as a result of coordinated strategic behavior by established parties in reaction to increasing support for new parties of the left. In contrast, recent analyses of the post-Cold War period in Central & Eastern Europe suggest that while all political actors acted strategically, an extreme lack of information prevented them from making choices that served their self-interest in the long run. Indeed, many party leaders supported electoral rules that later eliminated them from politics. We argue that uncertainty was a major factor in both periods of electoral rule design, so that political elites often made serious miscalculations of the effect of particular electoral rules on their own future success. A reanalysis of the Boix data suggests that efforts to explain the choice of electoral rules as a coordinated response by established parties to electoral threat must be viewed with skepticism, since uncertainty made success or failure almost impossible to predict. Instead, any strategic behavior was short-term at best, reflecting the largest party's most recent experience in the preceding election. 6 Tables, 1 Figure, 32 References. [Copyright 2004 Elsevier Ltd.]

Dieser Überblick über einige Aspekte der nordamerikanischen Ethnographie konzentriert sich auf die letzten fünf bis zehn Jahre. Der Aufsatz ist in drei Themenbereiche gegliedert. Im ersten Teil werden vier institutionelle Kontexte der nordamerikanischen Ethnographie näher beschrieben: professionelle Organisationen und Konferenzen, Veröffentlichungen, Forschungsförderung, akademische Karrieren und Zentren. Im zweiten Teil fasse ich neuere Debatten über die Rolle von Politik und Theorie in der nordamerikanischen ethnographischen Forschung zusammen. Der dritte Schwerpunkt gilt methodologischen Aspekten, darunter die wachsende Vielfalt ethnographischer Methoden und Forschungsprojekte, sowie neue Regulationen des Forschungsprozesses, die von Ethik-Kommissionen an allen amerikanischen Universitäten überwacht werden. URN: urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs0503470 ; This overview of selected issues in US ethnography covers the last five to ten years. The paper is divided into three major sections. The first one describes the institutional standing of ethno­graphy in four separate contexts: organizations and conferences, publications, research funding, and careers and centers. Second, the paper re­views recent debates regarding the roles of politics and theory in US ethnographic research. A third focus is placed on methodological issues, such as the increasing diversity of ethnographic research methods and designs, as well as a new set of research requirements administered by ethical review boards at all US universities. URN: urn:nbn:de:0114-fqs0503470 ; Esta panorámica de temas selectos en la etnografía norteamericana abarca los últimos diez años. El artículo se divide en tres secciones: la primera describe la posición institucional de la etnografía en cuatro contextos diferentes, tales como, organizaciones y conferencias, publicaciones, financiamiento a la investigación, y carreras y centros. En segundo lugar, se revisan los debates recientes en torno al lugar de la política y la teoría en la investigación etnográfica norteamericana. ...

The democratic paradox of the Roman Catholic State Party (RKSP). The 'doctrine of the last resort' as an expression of the growing solidarity between the Catholics and Social Democrats during the interbellumBetween the First and Second World War, coalition-building was fairly problematic in Dutch politics. This was partly caused by the refusal of the Roman Catholic State Party (RKSP) to form a government coalition with the Social Democratic Labour Party (SDAP). On several occasions, the leadership of the party argued that the RKSP would only agree to collaborate in a so-called 'Roman-red coalition' out of 'sheer necessity'. In the literature, roughly two interpretations of the Catholic refusal can be discerned. According to the first interpretation, the RKSP rejected a government coalition with the SDAP because the leadership of the party thought that the ideological differences between both parties were insurmountable. According to the second interpretation, the Catholic leadership refused to collaborate because it was afraid that the Catholic party would disintegrate as a result of the internal schism. In this article, it is claimed that the first interpretation is not tenable, and the second only partly. The refusal of the RKSP leadership to collaborate with the SDAP did not signify Catholic division or a clash between Catholic and social democratic principles but, paradoxically, a growing Catholic unity and a growing consensus between both parties. However, for the Catholic leaders a Roman-red coalition was a taboo subject since it would force the party to explicitly recognise that the Catholic and social democratic ideologies were reconcilable.

Carl Schmitt is usually regarded as a critic of modernity for his thesis concerning the theological ascent of the key concepts in the theory of the State. In this paper, l argue that there is more to theology in Schmitt's thought than a mere genealogical issue. As a matter of fact, the sphere of politics is for him prior to the constitution of the State. It is at that initial stage that Schmitt introduces the key categories of his thinking by means of theological analogies -e.g., basic anthropological choices concerning our capability for good or evil are justified by invoking the myth of the original sin. As a result of an in depth discussion of these analogies, I contend that what it is indeed impossible to secularize are the Schmittian theses themselves. ; Carl Schmitt suele ser considerado un crítico de la modernidad por sostener que los principales conceptos de la teoría del Estado son conceptos teológicos secularizados. En este trabajo pretendemos poner de manifiesto que la importancia que Schmitt concede a la teología es aún mayor. En efecto, la secularización se refiere a los conceptos claves de la teoría del Estado, pero la política es previa al Estado. Y para establecer sus categorías, Schmitt se sirve de la teología: el carácter conflictivo o pacífico del hombre remite al pecado original; el dilema amigo/enemigo a la elección entre Dios y el diablo, etc. Exploraremos el .alcance de estas analogías, intentando mostrar el carácter inerradicablemente teológico del pensamiento de Schmitt.

"In their study of social practices deemed traditional, scholars tend to use the concept and idea of tradition as an element of meaning in the practices under investigation. But just whose meaning is it? Is it a meaning generated by those who study tradition or those whose traditions are being studied? In both cases, particular criteria for traditionality are employed, whether these are explicated or not. Individuals and groups will no doubt continue to uphold their traditional practices or refer to their practices as traditional. While they are in no way obliged to explicate in analytical terms their criteria for traditionality, the same cannot be said for those who make the study of traditions their profession. In scholarly analysis, traditions need to be explained instead of used as explanations for apparent repetitions and replications or symbolic linking in social practice, values, history, and heritage politics. This book takes a closer look at 'tradition' and 'folklore' in order to conceptualize them within discourses on modernity and modernism. The first section discusses 'modern' and 'traditional' as modern concepts and the study of folklore as a modern trajectory. The underlying tenet here is that non-modernity cannot be represented without modern mediation, which therefore makes the representations of non-modernity epistemologically modern. The second section focuses on the nation-state of Finland and the nationalistic use of folk traditions in the discursive production of Finnish modernity and its Others. The insights are applicable worldwide in discussions on cultural representation. "