Suchergebnisse

Enthält Rezensionen von: Filippov, A. V.: Noviyshaya istoriya Rossii, 1945-2007 : kniga dlya uchitelya. - Moskau : Prosveshchenie, 2007 + Polyakov, L. V:: Obshchestvoznanie : global'nyi mir v XXI veke : kniga dlya uchitelya. - Moskau : Prosveshchenie, 2007

Patrick Ireland argues that it is incorrect to expect unavoidable conflict between Muslim immmigrants and European host socieites. His insighful work shows that institutions matter more than culture in determining the shape and style of ethnic relations.

A general transaction cost framework is developed to analyze the costs of exchange and the role of government in the costs of exchange. Three general types of exchange are specified: personal exchange, exchange without third-party enforcement, and exchange with third-party enforcement. The framework is then employed to analyze government and the costs of exchange in history.

The Velvet Revolution in November 1989 brought about the collapse of the authoritarian communist regime in what was then Czechoslovakia. It also marks the beginning of the country's journey towards democracy. This book examines what the values in so-called real socialism were, as well as how citizens' values changed after the 1989 collapse. In Velvet Revolutions, Miroslav Vanek and Pavel Mücke analyze and interpret 300 interviews on citizens' experience of freedom and its absence, the value of work, family and friends, education, relations to public sphere and politics, the experience of free time, and perception of foreigners and foreign countries. The interviewees are drawn from a wide range of professions, including manual workers, service workers, farmers, members of the armed forces, managers, and marketing personnel. All of the interviewees were at working age during the last twenty years of the communist regime and during the post-revolutionary transformation. From this rich foundation, the book builds a multi-layered view of Czech history before 1989 and during the subsequent period of democratic transformation.

Cet article dresse un bilan de la démocratisation de l'enseignement en France. Il rappelle les origines de cette politique dans la première moitié du siècle. Il explique pourquoi elle a attendu les années 1959-63 pour se réaliser: c'est alors la réforme de l'école moyenne et la première vague de croissance, jusqu'au milieu des années '70. Il analyse ensuite la seconde vague de croissance qui bouleverse la morphologie des lycées à partir de 1985. La question des résultats se pose alors: ces politiques ont-elles réduit les inégalités sociales devant l'école? La réponse est nuancée. L'ouverture du collège, puis des lycées, a facilité l'accès des enfants modestes aux études et réduit globalement les inégalités. Mais, à l'intérieur de ce mouvement d'ensemble, l'inégalité entre les différentes filières a évolué de façon variable: elle s'est probablement réduite jusqu'au milieu des années '60; elle s'est ensuite stabilisée, voire creusée, en raison des procédures sélectives et de l'orientation instituée en 1973; enfin, les décisions de 1985 ont sans doute un peu relancé la démocratisation. Mais les espoirs dont elle était porteuse n'ont pas été satisfaits. (DIPF/Orig.) ; Dieser Artikel bilanziert die Demokratisierung des Unterrichts in Frankreich. Er erinnert an die Ursprünge dieser Politik in der ersten Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts und zeigt, dass die Realisierung, die erst in den Jahren 1959-63 erfolgte, mit der Reform der Sekundarstufe I (l'école moyenne) und der ersten Welle des Wachstums zusammenhängt. Anschliessend analysiert der Beitrag die zweite Welle des Wachstums, welche die Gestalt des Gymnasiums nach 1985 fundamental veränderte. Es stellt sich die Frage nach den Resultaten dieser Prozesse: Hat die entsprechende Politik die sozialen Ungleichheiten gegenüber der Schule reduziert? Die Antwort muss differenziert ausfallen: Die Öffnung der weiterführenden Schulen (collège und lycée) hat den Zugang für Kinder aus bescheidenen Verhältnissen erleichtert und allgemein die Ungleichheiten reduziert. Aber unterhalb dieses Gesamtzusammenhanges hat sich die Ungleichheit zwischen den einzelnen Schultypen auf unterschiedliche Art und Weise entwickelt: Bis Mitte der 1960er-Jahre ist die Ungleichheit geringer geworden. Der Demokratisierungsprozess ist anschliessend zum Stillstand gekommen, wenn nicht wegen der 1973 eingeführten selektiven Prozeduren sogar ausgehölt worden. Die Entscheide von 1985 haben dagegen den Demokratisierungsprozess wieder in Gang gebracht. Aber die Hoffnungen, die damit verbunden waren, sind insgesamt nicht erfüllt worden. (DIPF/Orig.)

This article analyzes the creation of hegemonic discourse in a post-transformation society by examining representations of Soviet socialism in post-Soviet history textbooks and in the discursive practices of history teachers in Kyrgyzstan. While the textbooks attempt to fix a new hegemonic discourse about Soviet socialism, they also contain contradictory discourses. History teachers, in turn, have appropriated the discourse of the Kyrgyz nation-state and its modernization, adapting it to their own experiences. Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan has become a new type of state, where hegemonic discourse on both the official level and in the discursive practices of its citizens is ambivalent and outright contradictory.

This is not a traditional international relations text that deals with war, trade or power politics. Instead, this book offers an authoritative analysis of the social, cultural and intellectual aspects of diplomatic life in the age of the Enlightenment and the French Revolution. It authoritatively illustrates several modes of Britain's engagement with Europe, whether political, artistic, scientific, literary or cultural. Mori consults an impressively wide range of sources for this study including the private and official papers of 50 men and women in the British diplomatic service. Attention is given to topics rarely covered in diplomatic history such as the work and experiences of women and issues of national, regional and European identity This book will be essential reading for students and lecturers of the history of International Relations and will offer a fascinating insight in to the world of diplomatic relations to all those with an interest in British and European history

The recent history of Cambodia is little known, greatly disputed, and grim. The first liberation movement against French colonialism and its local puppets was disarmed as part of the 1954 Geneva accords on Indochina. The resulting regime of King Sihanouk in pre-modern peasant Cambodia was neutral in the United States war against Vietnam, but after U.S.-backed Lon Nol deposed Sihanouk in March 1970, President Nixon launched massive raids on what he termed sanctuaries in Cambodia. The bomb tonnage has been estimated at twice what had been dropped on North Vietnam, and the loss of Cambodian lives at half a million-more than five percent of the total population. U.S. Republican Congressman Pete McCloskey, who visited Cambodia in 1975, described the wreckage as 'greater evil than we have done to any country in the world.' Pen Sovann, Prime Minister of Cambodia in 1981 after the ouster of the Khmer Rouge regime and who is today seventy-seven years old, played a central role in Cambodian left politics of the 1970s and 80s. This short biographic sketch of Pen Sovann, who consented to a lengthy interview with the author and is quoted often in the following paragraphs, depicts a political history from a left perspective that is openly hostile both to the Khmer Rouge and the present rulers of Cambodia. We present it as an interesting contribution to a history on which no final judgments are yet possible. Adapted from the source document.

"In this sweeping, definitive work, leading human rights scholar David M. Crowe offers an unflinching look at the long and troubled history of genocide and war crimes. From atrocities in the ancient world to more recent horrors in Nazi Germany, Cambodia, and Rwanda, Crowe reveals not only the disturbing consistency they have shown over time, but also the often heroic efforts that nations and individuals have made to break seemingly intractable patterns of violence and retribution--in particular, the struggle to create a universally accepted body of international humanitarian law. He traces the emergence of the idea of 'just war, ' early laws of war, the first Geneva Conventions, the Hague peace conferences, and the efforts following World Wars I and II to bring to justice those who violated international law. He also provides incisive accounts of some of the darkest episodes in recent world history, covering violations of human rights law in Afghanistan, Bosnia, Cambodia, Guatemala, the Iran-Iraq war, Korea, Tibet, and many other contexts. With valuable insights into some of the most vexing issues of today--including controversial US efforts to bring alleged terrorists to justice at Guantánamo Bay, and the challenges facing the International Criminal Court--this is an essential work for understanding humankind's long and often troubled history."--Publisher's description

Europe attracts and divides. It makes us dream, but it also has a reality with boundaries that shape our lives. What are the dynamics of integration? Whom does Europe sweep off their feet? Does European integration create community or does it lead to exclusion?

This collection consists of articles on the subjects addressed by the research conference "The Shaping of Identity and Personality under Communist Rule: History in the Service of Totalitarian Regimes in Eastern Europe", held in Tallinn, Estonia, on 9–10 June 2011 and arranged by the Estonian Institute of Historical Memory Foundation and the Unitas Foundation. The organisers of the conference intended to describe, analyse and explain the state policies and activities used in Eastern Europe for shaping the Communist identity and personality by means of manipulating the historical consciousness, and the efficiency of those policies and activities, proceeding from the official historical approaches of the former Eastern bloc. Ideologically mutated history was the important component of the official, Communist identity. The artificial official history and the new historical identity it forced upon the population aspired to establish the sole possible truth by means of half-truths. Probably the most important thread that comes through every article in this collection is the conflict between the official, communist identity and the nation's historical memory, and its consequences.