Intro -- Contents -- Series Foreword -- Introduction -- The Mayans of Central Quintana Roo -- The Rural People of Mexico s Northwest Coast -- Villagers at the Edge of Mexico City -- Artisanal Fisherfolk of the Gulf of Fonseca -- The English-Speaking Bay Islanders -- The Miskito of Honduras and Nicaragua -- Indigenous and Ladino Peoples of the R ´ o Pla ´ tano Biosphere Reserve, Honduras -- The Ngo ´be of Western Panama -- The Kuna of Panama -- The Tz utujil Maya of Guatemala -- The Awa of Ecuador -- The Otavalen os of the Ecuadorian Highlands -- The Quechua of the Peruvian Andes -- Glossary -- Index -- About the Contributors.
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Presidential leadership in America can and does make a great deal of difference to what is debated and eventually legislated. At the same time presidents are obviously constrained by what is always a complex and difficult political environment. In this study Dr McKay examines the interaction between presidential policy preferences and the political environment, concentrating on welfare and urban policy and intergovernmental relations under Johnson, Nixon, Carter and Reagan. McKay traces the origins of domestic initiatives, assesses the intellectual coherence of policies and examines the ways in which the four presidents adapted their strategies according to their legislative fortunes and the experience of implementing policies. Throughout the work, McKay measures the independent influence of the White House on policy and draws conclusions for theories of American political development, in particular for the opportunities and constraints provided by the fragmentation of the New Deal political regime
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During the pandemic, routines were interrupted lives were changed and during this time, many individuals spent more time watching the news to learn more about how long it would take to resume normalcy. When George Floyd was murdered by four police officers, time stood still and the world watched. Outrage was immediate. The pandemic offered everyone the opportunity to witness tragedy unfold in front of them a brutality which happens every day, yet is easily ignored. This article examines the incidence of police homicides of people of color, the lack of law enforcement to seek solutions to their own internal structures and policies to correct these outrages, and the need for external accountability through legal and policy changes. Case studies are provided to illustrate the depth of issue.
The aim of the paper is to analyze how Europeanization is used as an instrument of the European Union's foreign policy in the field of promoting democracy in the world. This fi rst requires an indication that all EU activities, including its relations with the international environment, are based on specific normative foundations. They include the so-called European values regarding, generally speaking, the promotion of democracy and broadly understood human rights, as well as strengthening peace in international relations. "European values" are not only political and ideological guidelines, but also legal norms enshrined in EU treaties, so the promotion of democracy is one of the basic goals of the EU's foreign policy. Analysis of the EU's promotion of democracy requires the presentation of the main categories used to study this issue, i.e. showing what is understood by Europeanization, as well as by the associated concepts of democratization and socialization. Then mechanisms of europeanization are examined, as well as its results and evaluation of its effectiveness is provided. In this respect the case study is very helpful, in that it examines the results of Europeanization in relation to the EU partner countries covered by the Eastern Partnership. The paper ends with fi nal remarks constituting a summary of the studied issues.
British political institutions have shown resilience during the Brexit crisis. London apparently believes it has the scope to put EU talks behind it and recalibrate its position in the world. The British government is carrying out an integrated review of defense, aid, and foreign policy and preparing its presidency of the COP26 climate talks and G7. By contrast, its neighbors are gripped by the notion of Britain's further constitutional deterioration. Their perceptions could well become self-fulfilling.
In the face of global alarms for loss of biodiversity, Colombia launches the National Policy for the Integrated Management of Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (PNGIBSE) to address causes and drivers of biodiversity loss and transformation. From this, the Biodiversity Action Plan (PAB) is generated as a management instrument for decision-making. Through the compilation of national information (1990 to 2018), and according to the six axes of the PAB, this work evaluates the consistency of its 2020 goals, with the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the Aichi Targets without constituting a study of progress to date. Direct and evident correspondences were identified, inquiring about processes and actions defined within the framework of the goals related to participatory conservation and management. For example, Aichi Targets 1, 2, and 4, related to causes of biodiversity loss, are aligned with more than four PAB targets. For SDG 5, among other low association was found to the 2020 goals. A reflection on the agreement of specific goals and a discussion on the contribution of these to the fulfillment of international agendas is shown, where even with the different temporalities of the instruments here integrated, agreement on axes and goals to 2020 is detected, as well as several integration points on 104 opportunities with the Aichi Targets and 129 with the SDGs. This work presents a vision of coherence between goals set for 2020 at the national level, showing the need to create a monitoring and early warning mechanism through discursive, academic and legal processes, seeking to establish those goals. that were not achieved under the dynamics of transformation of the country. ; Ante las alarmas mundiales por pérdida de biodiversidad, Colombia lanzó la Política Nacional para la Gestión Integral de la biodiversidad y los Servicios Ecosistémicos (PNGIBSE) para atender las causas y motores de pérdida y transformación de biodiversidad y sus servicios ecosistémicos. A partir de ésta se formula el Plan de Acción en Biodiversidad (PAB) como instrumento de gestión. A través de la recopilación de información nacional entre 1990 y 2018, y según los seis ejes del PAB, el presente trabajo evalúa la concordancia de sus metas a 2020, con los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) y las Metas Aichi sin contemplar avances a la fecha. Se identificaron correspondencias directas y evidentes, indagando sobre procesos y acciones en el marco de las metas relacionadas con la conservación y gestión participativa. Por ejemplo, las Metas Aichi 1, 2 y 4, relacionadas con causas de la pérdida de biodiversidad, están alineadas con más de cuatro metas del PAB; y para el ODS 5 se halló baja asociación con las metas, entre otros ODS. Se presenta una reflexión sobre la concordancia de metas específicas y una discusión sobre el aporte de éstas al cumplimiento de las obligaciones internacionales, donde aún con las diferentes temporalidades de los instrumentos aquí integrados, se detecta concordancia, así como puntos de integración en 104 oportunidades con las Metas Aichi y 129 con los ODS. Este trabajo presenta una visión de coherencia entre metas planteadas a nivel nacional, mostrando la necesidad de crear mecanismo de seguimiento y alerta temprana a través de procesos discursivos, académicos y jurídicos, buscando establecer aquellas metas que no fueron alcanzadas bajo las dinámicas de transformación del país.
16 p. ; La llamada "Década del '90" en la Argentina, en los últimos tiempos, ha sido definida discursivamente en términos de neoliberalismo, apertura económica y privatizaciones. A fines de los noventa América Latina se convirtió en el escenario de un cataclismo social, económico y político producto del fracasó de las políticas neoliberales que implicó un nuevo proceso de profundización y agudización de la condición periférica y dependiente de nuestros países, producto de la subordinación a una nueva forma de expansión mundial capitalista, que David Harvey (2004) denomina acumulación por desposesión. Este cambio épocal en la región y en Argentina se define por dos factores: en el plano externo, la nueva matriz de acumulación profundiza el patrón de dependencia con un marcado boom de los comodities y en el plano interno la crisis del neoliberalismo que resultó en una crisis del orden social, una crisis de los sentidos dominantes. No obstante, desde las Ciencias Sociales no se ha profundizado lo suficiente en el papel de ciertos actores políticos concretos en esta época, particularmente en lo que atiene a la construcción y puesta en marcha de una Política Exterior alienante, basada en las denominadas "relaciones carnales" con los Estados Unidos, relación que, incrementó notablemente el vínculo siempre estrecho entre política interna y externa en el país. En este sentido, en un marco regional, el presente trabajo procura ahondar en los discursos de algunos protagonistas y testigos cordobeses de dicho proceso, así como también en su formación y antecedentes académicos, con el fin de reconstruir y deconstruir, a partir de su propio relato algunas de las decisiones de la Alta Política argentina que dejaron huellas en la historia reciente del país. Finalmente, para alcanzar este objetivo, además de recurrir al archivo histórico del Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, se realizará un breve análisis discursivo de algunos fragmentos brindados por el Dr. Domingo Cavallo -ex Canciller (1989-1991), Ministro de Economía (1991-1996) y síntesis política de los '90-, en medios de comunicación de gran repercusión en la Argentina, complementándose dicho esfuerzo teórico con comentarios de ex embajadores, conferencias , entrevistas a dirigentes políticos y a sus protagonistas tales como ex embajadores y funcionarios de carrera como Jorge Arguello nombrado Embajador Permanente de Argentina ante las Naciones Unidas, en Nueva York; Lic. Humberto Roggero quien se desempeñó como Embajador de la República Argentina en Italia, a partir del 10 de enero del 2002; el Dr. Orlando Sella, quién actúo como Embajador Argentino en la República de Haití y Costa Rica; el Dr. Luis Juez quien se desempeñó como Embajador Argentino en Ecuador en el periodo 2016/17; el Dr. José Manuel de la Sota quien se desempeñó como Embajador en Brasil en los años 1990 / 92; Raúl Alejandro Sosa, que se desempeña actualmente en el Consulado de Ciudad del Este, Paraguay; Oscar Suecum, en Alemania ; Jorge Biglione, Cónsul en Porto Alegre, Brasil ; Eduardo Angeloz (h) Ministro de Primera en Cancillería. --
This discussion paper argues for the need of a new theory, moving away from the binary applications of public interest or Pigouvian theory and public choice theory. The growth of media is outlined, and the complexity of the Indian mediascape is presented as part of the discussion. The cross-media ownership patterns, political ownership or affiliation and access to capital are making it imperative to consider critical questions on regulation and media ethics. The need for a new theory and practice may be the need of the hour. However, this deliberation hints how it may not be formulated effectively with the arrangement within the geopolitical context being abrasive. It calls for initiating dialogues in public spaces, particularly among the scholars and practitioners. It also questions if bridging the gaps between public administrators' potential and action could make a difference, as it is a challenge in itself.
This discussion paper argues for the need of a new theory, moving away from the binary applications of public interest or Pigouvian theory and public choice theory. The growth of media is outlined, and the complexity of the Indian mediascape is presented as part of the discussion. The cross-media ownership patterns, political ownership or affiliation and access to capital are making it imperative to consider critical questions on regulation and media ethics. The need for a new theory and practice may be the need of the hour. However, this deliberation hints how it may not be formulated effectively with the arrangement within the geopolitical context being abrasive. It calls for initiating dialogues in public spaces, particularly among the scholars and practitioners. It also questions if bridging the gaps between public administrators' potential and action could make a difference, as it is a challenge in itself.
