Does the decline in party identification lead to a decrease or an increase in affective polarization? In recent years, research about affective polarization has increased, asking whether contemporary publics polarize in terms of their affective evaluations of the opposite party. Evidence shows that, at least in some cases, there are signs of increased polarization. At the same time, however, there is evidence of a decline in party identification, suggesting that the parties no longer attract people's hearts and minds. These two results might conflict. However, whether and how affective polarization and declining partisanship are related has received little attention. To address this issue, in this article, we investigate how much affective polarization there is in Chile, how it has changed over time. We use survey data from Chile between 1990 and 2021, a country that has shown a profound and constant loss in partisanship. First, we show that affective polarization varies over time and that, at the aggregate level, the decline in partisanship does not impact affective polarization. Second, the groups that show higher polarization also change: if by 1990 the more polarized were people identifying with left-wing parties, by 2021, affective polarization is similar across groups, including those who do not identify with political parties.
Chile and Bolivia have been intertwined in a complex relationship of hostility and cooperation for over a century. Since the Bolivian defeat in the War of the Pacific and the Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1904, issues of resource sharing and Bolivia's sovereign access to sea on the Pacific side have altered the dynamics of such a relationship. Indeed, they appear to be the major stumbling blocs to attempts at normalisation of relations between the two Andean neighbours. In the recent years, Chile–Bolivia relations have been strained over the issue of gas. Bolivia's political volatility over gas and Chile's refusal to discuss the issue of access to the sea were viewed as being part of the same quagmire of relations. However, despite disparities in development between the two countries, globalisation has altered the context of mutual engagement. Against this backdrop, the article specifically looks at one such contemporary issue of bilateral contestation, that is, the gas issue. The article will examine its geo-economic significance in the larger context of regional cooperation and energy security. It intends to probe the plausibility of the argument that the gas issue has the promise and potential to lighten the sedimented antagonism between the two.
Compares development strategies and management regimes in the three largest Latin American fish producers and discusses the problems of overfishing and industrial overcapitalization which affect all three countries and effectiveness of attempts to re-regulate the industry in the 1990s.
What do the wealthiest groups in society think about tax payment? What is their view of the role of the state? How do these perceptions influence the ways in which the government collects taxes and provides social spending? This paper addresses these questions focusing on the case of Chile. Although Chile is considered one of the countries with highest state capacity in Latin America, its tax policy shares several features with lower-performing countries in the region, such as limited redistribution and a regressive tax structure, showing little ability to tackle economic inequality. Based on extensive analysis of state performance that included a comparison with Uruguay and Portugal as well as 32 in-depth interviews with members of the Chilean economic elite, we show divergences between the quality of government spending and elite perceptions on this issue. Elites' distrust of state action leads to unwillingness to pay taxes, which they see primarily as a cost rather than an instrument to promote solidarity or social cooperation. Taxes are also perceived as too high, though the effective tax rates of high-income taxpayers are on par with that of lower classes. We highlight the need to analyse fiscal performance, taking into account both spending and tax collection-including more opaque indicators such as tax expenditures-and rethink communication strategies to present state performance more clearly
El fandom de K-pop es un fenómeno global que se ha identificado como un grupo que muestra preocupación y empatía por valores universales. En América Latina, incluyendo Chile, la participación del fandom de K-pop en movimientos sociopolíticos ha ido en aumento. Este artículo busca determinar la influencia del fandom de K-pop en el fortalecimiento de la ciudadanía global. La investigación se enfoca en la influencia del fandom en los movimientos sociopolíticos, destacando el activismo y el fandom participativo en América Latina a través del caso de Kpopers por Boric en Chile. Este artículo tiene dos objetivos. Por una parte, busca determinar de qué forma influyó el fandom de K-pop en los fanáticos para que asumieran un rol sociopolítico activo, es decir, determinar si la pertenencia al fandom influyó en los fans, fortaleciendo así el concepto de ciudadanía global. El segundo objetivo es analizar cómo los fans asumieron ese rol activo en Chile. Utilizamos una metodología cualitativa, empleando como herramientas un cuestionario y entrevistas en profundidad semiestructuradas. Se concluye que, gracias a los movimientos de su activismo participativo, el fandom de K-pop fortalece la ciudadanía global como consecuencia de la incorporación de sus elementos (dignidad humana y el respeto por los derechos humanos), conformando una K-global citizenship.
Nat'l pol'al integration was studied through a survey conducted during the period May-Jul 1965 among the Lc M adults of 4 recently established communities on the Ur periphery of Santiago, Chile, & Lima, Peru. 4 problems re change in pol'al integration were dealt with: (1) the role of the local assoc in the settlements; (2) the impact of severe sanctions on the level of pol'alization; (3) the assessment of pol'alization as a continuous or discontinuous process; & (4) patterns of pol'al legitimacy orientations. 3 of the settlements studied originated from squatter invasions, 1 is a gov housing project. The prevailing view of Latin Amer squatter settlements as slums is rejected. These settlements present a wide range of conditions & are better viewed as 'towns in formation.' The 4 communities are described: Pampa Seca began in 1958 & has now about 30,000 people; El Espiritu was invaded in 1962 & has now about 10,000 residents; both are at the outskirts of Lima, Peru. 3 de Mayo was established about 1960 in the Santiago periphery & now has a pop of about 1,000; & Santo Domingo, along the periphery of the Chilean capital's We district, is a gov housing project developed in 1961 & now has about 12,000 residents. Local assoc's in these settlements perform vital functions in helping settlers to meet their needs. Data obtained indicate, however, that participation in the local assoc tends to atrophy as the settlement becomes established. A greater permanence of the local problem-solving function has been achieved very recently through the creation of municipal districts of established settlements. Perhaps the major org to perform nat'l integrative functions in societies seeking to shake off poverty is the mass pol'al party. In this context, 'Promocion Popular' (Popular Promotion) & the 'Cooperacion, Popular' (Popular Cooperation) are discussed. These 2 movements have so far had little impact, according to the data. The Ur Lc in Latin Amer is apol'al to a high degree. Depol'alization may occur because of (a) failure to develop a generalized sense of pol'al efficacy or even a generalized sense of the personal relevance of gov; & (b) failure to conceive or rely on pol'al alternatives to outstanding problems. Gov sanctions are found to be an important factor in retarding Lc pol'alization. They reduce demands & therefore stress, but produce a loss in the capacity to mobilize support. It is suggested that pol'alization may be a discontinuous process, contrary to prevailing theory. Finally, it is pointed out that considerable variation in patterns of pol'al legitimacy orientations exist between the Chilean & Peruvian settlements. The Santiago residents responded much more affirmatively than those in Lima to their pol'al system & its components, due, perhaps, to the considerable pol'al & soc support they receive. 5 Tables. M. Maxfield.
Darstellung der Bedingungen für die Entstehung autoritärer Systeme am Beispiel von Brasilien und Chile mit Hinweisen auf die vorausgehende ideologische Radikalisierung und Fragmentierung der politischen Kräfte. Untersuchung der Möglichkeiten der Durchsetzung einer Verhandlungslösung für die Rückkehr zu einer demokratischen Ordnung und Hervorhebung der erforderlichen Konfrontation des repressiven Apparats mit einer starken und pluralistischen Opposition und mit weitgehenden Forderungen eines Liberalisierungsprogramms zur Auflösung des autoritären Machtmonopols
El trabajo presente explora las causas de la desigualdad del ingreso en Chile, buscando ampliar el panorama de factores existentes y enfatizando algunos poco tratados en la actualidad –al menos en Chile–, ya sea por sesgos ideológicos o por sus significados políticos más cuestionadores del status quo. En una primera sección plantea la magnitud y el carácter de la de-sigualdad de ingresos en Chile. Luego, en las secciones 2 a 8, identifica un conjunto de factores y su presencia en el caso chileno. Ello se refiere, en forma secuencial, a las cuestiones de la concentración patrimonial y de la riqueza; a la repartición de las ganancias de la productividad y el pago a los "factores productivos"; a la posesión de capital humano; a la heterogeneidad de la estructura productiva y de empleo; a las estructuras familiares y sus tasas de dependencia; a las estructuras impositivas y de gasto social; a las discriminaciones socio-culturales; y a los poderes de los agentes en el mercado y en la fijación de las reglas que encuadran su accionar. Finalmente, concluye en la multiplicidad de factores que intervienen para producir la desigualdad. En cuanto a los énfasis que el trabajo quiere destacar, está, primero, el de la fuerte relación entre concentración patrimonial o de la riqueza con la distribución del ingreso; segundo, la trayectoria que sigue la repartición de los aumentos del producto y la productividad entre ganancias y remuneraciones y su relación con las condiciones de negociación; y, por último, se retoma el clásico análisis estructuralista latinoamericano de los efectos que tienen las distintas heterogeneidades de la estructura productiva y de empleos sobre los diferenciales de ingreso.
Die Arbeit untersucht den Einfluss von politischen Institutionen auf die Konsolidierung der Demokratie. Im ersten Teil wird ein neoinstitutionalistisches framework of analysis entwickelt, mit dem sich die Wirkungsweise von Regierungssystem, Parteiensystem und Wahlsystem analysieren lässt. Dieses Untersuchungsgerüst wird im zweiten Teil auf drei junge Demokratien Südamerikas angewandt. Anhand der posttransitionalen Demokratiegeschichte Ecuadors, Perus und Chiles wird gezeigt, dass Institutionen eine erhebliche Relevanz für sich beanspruchen können und ihnen damit ein großes Erklärungsgewicht bei der Analyse von Systemtransformationsprozessen zukommt. Daneben müssen aber auch (nicht-institutionelle) Kontextfaktoren hinzugezogen werden, um verstehen zu können, wie Institutionen konkret funktionieren und damit die Konsolidierung der Demokratie beeinflussen (kontextgebundener Institutionalismus).
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Die Arbeit untersucht den Einfluss von politischen Institutionen auf die Konsolidierung der Demokratie. Im ersten Teil wird ein neoinstitutionalistisches framework of analysis entwickelt, mit dem sich die Wirkungsweise von Regierungssystem, Parteiensystem und Wahlsystem analysieren lässt. Dieses Untersuchungsgerüst wird im zweiten Teil auf drei junge Demokratien Südamerikas angewandt. Anhand der posttransitionalen Demokratiegeschichte Ecuadors, Perus und Chiles wird gezeigt, dass Institutionen eine erhebliche Relevanz für sich beanspruchen können und ihnen damit ein großes Erklärungsgewicht bei der Analyse von Systemtransformationsprozessen zukommt. Daneben müssen aber auch (nicht-institutionelle) Kontextfaktoren hinzugezogen werden, um verstehen zu können, wie Institutionen konkret funktionieren und damit die Konsolidierung der Demokratie beeinflussen (kontextgebundener Institutionalismus).
School leadership is key for improving teaching practices and student learning outcomes. Thus, the selection process for school principals is important for school improvement. This article presents a comparative case study describing four national contexts, Brazil/Rio de Janeiro (democratic model), Chile (politicized model), Colombia (managerial model) and Peru (mixed model). The study reports that principal´s selection systems in Latin-American region are diverse in terms of their scope, the agencies involved in the process, who makes the final decision, and the use of selection strategies. Finally, it concludes with proposals for improvement selection processes of school principals in Latin America. ; El liderazgo de los directores influye en las prácticas docentes y el aprendizaje de los estudiantes. Así, los procesos de selección de directores escolares son clave para asegurar la mejora continua. El presente artículo a través de un estudio de casos comparados considerando cuatro países en la región latinoamericana describe cuatro modelos de selección directiva en escuelas; Brasil/Rio de Janeiro (modelo democrático), Chile (modelo politizado), Colombia (modelo gerencial) y Perú (modelo mixto). Se reporta que los sistemas de selección en la región son diversos, tanto en su alcance, los organismos involucrados en el proceso, quién toma la decisión final, y la utilización de estrategias de selección. Finalmente, se concluye con propuestas de mejora para los procesos de selección de directores escolares en Latinoamérica. ; A liderança dos diretores influencia as práticas de ensino e a aprendizagem dos alunos. Assim, os processos seletivos de diretores de escolas são fundamentais para garantir a melhoria contínua. Este artigo, por meio de um estudo de casos comparativos considerando quatro países da região latino-americana, descreve quatro modelos de seleção gerencial em escolas; Brasil / Rio de Janeiro (modelo democrático), Chile (modelo politizado), Colômbia (modelo gerencial) e Peru (modelo misto). Relata-se que os sistemas de seleção na região são diversos, tanto em seu escopo, nos órgãos envolvidos no processo, que tomam a decisão final, quanto no uso de estratégias de seleção. Por fim, conclui com propostas de aprimoramento dos processos seletivos de diretores de escolas na América Latina.
This article demonstrates the elective affinity between cultural consumption and socio-cultural perception. Based on the data gathered by the Encuesta de participación y consumo cultural 2009 ("2009 cultural participation and consumption poll"), in Chile, we came out with statistical evidence that proves that cultural consumption holds an elective affinity with the democratic, political, and social assessments of the consumers of cultural goods and services. This trend can also be observed among people who make part of the low income segments of the population, but that in fact consume high doses of culture. Thus, starting with the current discussions around the studies of cultural consumption, the article develops a theoretical reflection on the concept of cultural consumption and its interrelations with other social and political dimensions. ; El presente artículo demuestra la afinidad electiva entre consumo cultural y percepción sociocultural. A partir de los datos de la Encuesta de participación y consumo cultural 2009, de Chile, se muestra evidencia estadística de que el consumo cultural mantiene una afinidad electiva con las valoraciones democráticas, políticas, sociales y ciudadanas de los consumidores. Esta tendencia también es observable entre las personas que pertenecen a segmentos de la población con bajos ingresos económicos, pero que realizan un alto consumo cultural. Con base en las actuales discusiones sobre el estudio del consumo cultural, el artículo desarrolla una reflexión teórica sobre el concepto de consumo cultural y su interrelación con otras dimensiones sociales y políticas. ; Este artigo demonstra a afinidade eletiva entre consumo cultural e percepção sociocultural. Com base nos dados da Pesquisa sobre Participação e Consumo Cultural 2009, do Chile, são apresentadas evidências estatísticas de que o consumo cultural mantém uma afinidade eletiva com as avaliações democráticas, políticas, sociais e cidadãs dos consumidores. Essa tendência também é observável entre pessoas que pertencem a segmentos da população com baixa renda econômica, mas que fazem um alto consumo cultural. Com base nas discussões atuais sobre o estudo do consumo cultural, o artigo desenvolve uma reflexão teórica sobre o conceito de consumo cultural e sua inter-relação com outras dimensões sociais e políticas.
In analyzing the determinants of conventional political participation, thisarticle highlights the effect of the economic vote and assesses its effect on nonconventionalpolitical participation. Using the UNDP-Human Development 2015poll in Chile, the study assesses the effect of the economic vote —in its sociotropic,egotropic, retrospective and prospective dimensions— on non-conventionalparticipation. The article uses factor analysis as a methodological mechanism togroup non-conventional participation into three types, individual, collective, andonline. Using OLS and logistic regressions, the article reports that non-conventionalparticipation increases with better retrospective egotropic perception, decreases withbetter socio-tropic retrospective perception and is not affected by ego and sociotropicprospective perceptions. In conclusion, retrospective perceptions explainnon-conventional participation, positively in the case of egotropic perceptions andnegatively in case of socio-tropic perceptions. When people believe they have faredwell, they participate more, but when they believe the country has fared well, theyparticipate less. ; Al analizar los determinantes de la participación política convencional se destaca el efecto del voto económico y se evalúa si este también explica la participación política no convencional. A partir de la encuesta del PNUD, Desarrollo humano en Chile 2015, se identifica el efecto del voto económico —en sus dimensiones sociotrópica, egotrópica, prospectiva y retrospectiva— sobre la participación política no convencional. Se usaron análisis de factores como mecanismo metodológico para agrupar la participación política no convencional en tres tipos: individual, colectiva y online. Con base en regresiones lineales (MCO) y logísticas, se obtuvo que a mejor percepción egotrópica retrospectiva, mayor participación no convencional; a mejor percepción sociotrópica retrospectiva, menor es la probabilidad de participar; y que las evaluaciones prospectivas ego y sociotrópica no afectan la probabilidad de participar. Se concluye que las percepciones retrospectivas explican la participación no convencional, positivamente en el caso de las egotrópicas y negativamente en el caso de las sociotrópicas. Cuando la gente cree que a ellos les ha ido bien, participan más, pero cuando creen que al país le ha ido bien, participan menos.
