Suchergebnisse

Sport has been one of few domains, where East Germany reached global excellency by gaining 592 Olympic medals, including 192 titles. However, according to the East German leaders "sport is not a goal by itself, but a way to reach that goal", as Erich Honecker said in 1948. The GDR was brilliantly successful at international competitions, though its government had to permanently control sports activity through high financial and human means, systematical doping practices, high confidentiality, and a very strict ideological supervision. For the SED, spreading an image of power was the main goal assigned to sport. In this system, the German College of Physical Culture of Leipzig (Deutsche Hochschule für Körperkultur) was considered as a place of transmission between political rulers and athletes. The College has been active between 1950 and 1990 and was required to train the majority of trainers in the country. Therefore, it is a mirror of the whole East German sport system. With the methods of the Alltagsgeschichte (history of everyday life), I will deal in this dissertation with the control and politicisation mechanism, set by the SED regime in order to monitor the realisation of those goals. I will also focus on the consequences of the supremacy of ideology on the every day life and the work of all parties within the College. This work will consider the period between 1969 and 1990, i. e. between the reform of the College towards competitive sport and its dissolution by the newly recreated government of Saxony. ; Le sport a été un des rares domaines, où l'Allemagne de l'Est a atteint l'excellence mondiale, avec 519 médailles olympiques, dont 192 en or. Toutefois, pour les dirigeants est-allemands, « le sport n'est pas un objectif en soi, c'est un moyen d'atteindre cet objectif », comme l'a prononcé Erich Honecker en 1948. Certes, la RDA a brillé lors des compétitions internationales, mais au prix d'un contrôle permanent de la part des autorités (moyens humains et financiers importants, dopage systématique, culte du secret, encadrement idéologique strict). Le but pour le SED est ici de transmettre une image de puissance à travers le sport. Dans ce système, l'École supérieure allemande pour la culture physique de Leipzig (Deutsche Hochschule für Körperkultur) a joué un rôle de courroie de transmission entre les dirigeants politiques et les sportifs. Fondée en 1950 et active jusqu'en 1990, elle avait pour but de former la majorité des entraîneurs du pays. Elle constitue en cela un miroir des mécanismes en œuvre dans le sport est-allemand. À travers des outils développés par l'Alltagsgeschichte (histoire du quotidien), ce travail se propose d'étudier non seulement les processus de contrôle et de politisation mis en place par le régime du SED afin de s'assurer de la réalisation des objectifs fixés, mais aussi les conséquences de la prévalence de cette idéologie sur la vie quotidienne et les résultats du travail de l'ensemble des acteurs présents au sein de l'École. Cette étude portera sur la période allant de 1969, date de la réforme de l'École l'orientant vers le haut-niveau, à 1990, date de sa dissolution par le gouvernement de Saxe, nouvellement refondé.

The European Union (EU) approach to migration in Africa has significantly shifted in the last few years. Notably since 2015, it has focused on preventing irregular migration and privileges engagement with the main countries of origin and transit of migrants. In the context of the 2015 Joint Valletta Action Plan (JVAP), a funding instrument – the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF) –was created to channel development aid in support of EU interests in curbing migration.As reflected in historical and more recent policy agendas, economic integration and free movement within the continent and its regions constitute key elements of African development ambitions and narratives. But an increasing body of research suggests that EU activities (in particular the EUTF) sideline or even undermine African stakeholders and interests in decision-making and programming on migration.This paper analyses the effects of EU political dialogue and programming on regional free movement (RFM) in two African regions: the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in the Horn of Africa and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in West Africa. These regions receive the greatest amount of EUTF funding. While both IGAD and ECOWAS have frameworks on RFM, these are at very different stages of development.The analysis, based on literature review and field research, shows that EU approaches to and impact on RFM differ significantly in the two regions. In the IGAD region, the EU is not undermining but rather supporting free movement – albeit not as significantly as it could. In contrast, in the ECOWAS region the EU's focus on preventing irregular migration is undermining progress on RFM.At least three factors drive this difference: 1) institutional coherence and decision-making powers vary considerably in the two regions; 2) whereas some powerful member states in the IGAD region consider free movement to be a barrier to their hegemonic role, member states in the ECOWAS region largely see it as positive; and 3) EU migration programming in these regions is driven by different levels of urgency – with the largest number of irregular migrants coming from West Africa, the EU's objective of curbing migration is more accentuated in the ECOWAS region.A number of policy processes between and within the EU and Africa are currently underway that could reshape how the EU engages with Africa on migration issues, provided existing tensions are acknowledged and addressed. Since RFM is in the long-term interests of both parties, given its potential value to contribute to growth, development and stability within Africa, the EU should pursue the following programmatic steps for its support:Supporting regional organisations. This includes tailored capacity support in strategic direction, analytical capacity and outreach to member states. This should build on lessons from existing EU projects in support of RFM.Enhancing coherence between security and development. This means for example that existing programmes addressing irregular migration are examined regarding their impact on free movement.Improving capacity of EU delegations. This requires linking the regional EU delegations more effectively to EU delegations in member states to support joint regional and national level actions on RFM.

The European Union (EU) approach to migration in Africa has significantly shifted in the last few years. Notably since 2015, it has focused on preventing irregular migration and privileges engagement with the main countries of origin and transit of migrants. In the context of the 2015 Joint Valletta Action Plan (JVAP), a funding instrument - the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa (EUTF) -was created to channel development aid in support of EU interests in curbing migration. As reflected in historical and more recent policy agendas, economic integration and free movement within the continent and its regions constitute key elements of African development ambitions and narratives. But an increasing body of research suggests that EU activities (in particular the EUTF) sideline or even undermine African stakeholders and interests in decision-making and programming on migration. This paper analyses the effects of EU political dialogue and programming on regional free movement (RFM) in two African regions: the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in the Horn of Africa and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in West Africa. These regions receive the greatest amount of EUTF funding. While both IGAD and ECOWAS have frameworks on RFM, these are at very different stages of development. The analysis, based on literature review and field research, shows that EU approaches to and impact on RFM differ significantly in the two regions. In the IGAD region, the EU is not undermining but rather supporting free movement - albeit not as significantly as it could. In contrast, in the ECOWAS region the EU's focus on preventing irregular migration is undermining progress on RFM. At least three factors drive this difference: 1) institutional coherence and decision-making powers vary considerably in the two regions; 2) whereas some powerful member states in the IGAD region consider free movement to be a barrier to their hegemonic role, member states in the ECOWAS region largely see it as positive; and 3) EU migration programming in these regions is driven by different levels of urgency - with the largest number of irregular migrants coming from West Africa, the EU's objective of curbing migration is more accentuated in the ECOWAS region. A number of policy processes between and within the EU and Africa are currently underway that could reshape how the EU engages with Africa on migration issues, provided existing tensions are acknowledged and addressed. Since RFM is in the long-term interests of both parties, given its potential value to contribute to growth, development and stability within Africa, the EU should pursue the following programmatic steps for its support: Supporting regional organisations. This includes tailored capacity support in strategic direction, analytical capacity and outreach to member states. This should build on lessons from existing EU projects in support of RFM. Enhancing coherence between security and development. This means for example that existing programmes addressing irregular migration are examined regarding their impact on free movement. Improving capacity of EU delegations. This requires linking the regional EU delegations more effectively to EU delegations in member states to support joint regional and national level actions on RFM.

Surrogate pregnancy is a reproductive practice that raises enormous social, bioethical, political and media controversy because it undermines the canonical pillars that sustain the family institution. In this article we present the bibliographic or Scoping Review of a 29 scientific articles that collect opinion surveys on this subject. They show surrogate pregnancy as a phenomenon still mostly frown upon by society although, from a chronological perspective, a trend towards wider acceptance can also be observed. Population generally prefers assisted reproduction techniques because they guarantee continuation of the own genetic heritage and do not entail the participation of third parties. In the social system of preferences, subrogation is relegated to the last place. A small number of works have tried to identify and analyse the factors determining the degree of acceptance of surrogate pregnancy. Controversial issues, such as commercial or "closed" subrogation, are not frequently included into public opinion surveys. When inquiring about the social representation of surrogate pregnant women, the approach adopted by most of the surveys reproduces the image created and broadcasted by mainstream media, ignoring the findings presented by both ethnography and research specifically aimed at assessing the results of subrogation agreements. Most opinion studies frame the public's views within a medical approach. Studies that inquiry about the degree of acceptance of subrogation for "social" reasons are exceptional, despite the fact that the development of assisted reproduction techniques takes place in parallel with the emergence of new family forms. ; La gestación por sustitución es una práctica reproductiva que suscita una enorme controversia social, bioética, política y mediática pues socava los pilares canónicos que sostienen la institución familiar. En este artículo presentamos una revisión bibliográfica o Scoping Review de 29 artículos científicos que recogen estudios de opinión sobre esta materia. En ellos se aprecia la desaprobación social que, mayoritariamente, suscita la gestación por sustitución. Desde una perspectiva temporal, la tendencia es hacia su mayor aceptación. La población elige técnicas de reproducción asistida que garanticen el vínculo genético y que no impliquen la participación de terceros. En este sistema de preferencias, la subrogación es relegada socialmente al último lugar. Un número reducido de trabajos realizan análisis explicativos sobre los determinantes del nivel de aceptación de la subrogación. Temas controvertidos, como la subrogación comercial o cerrada, son escasamente incorporados en las encuestas de opinión pública. Cuando se interroga sobre la representación social de la mujer gestante, los marcos adoptados reproducen la imagen que proyectan los medios de comunicación obviando los hallazgos presentados tanto por la investigación etnográfica como por la interesada en evaluar los resultados de los acuerdos de subrogación. Los estudios de opinión enmarcan, mayoritariamente, la opinión de la población en un contexto médico. Los artículos que indagan sobre el grado de aceptación de la subrogación por causas "sociales" son excepcionales, a pesar de que el propio desarrollo de las técnicas de reproducción asistida se produce paralelamente a la emergencia de nuevas formas familiares.

Ukrayna krizi sonrasında uluslararası ilişkiler sisteminde yoğun bir tartışma yaşanmıştır. Bu kriz dış dünya ile Rus ilişkilerinde bir sarsıntıya neden olmuş, NATO'nun stratejilerini yenilemesine neden olmuştur. Bu nedenle, makalenin amacı Ukrayna Krizi çerçevesinde ortaya çıkan NATO stratejilerindeki dönüşüm çerçevesinde Rusya ve NATO ilişkilerinin incelenmesidir. Rusya, Vladimir Putin'in Rusya Güvenlik Konseyi'nde yaptığı bir görüşmede açıkça ortaya koyduğu gibi ekonomik diplomasi ve yumuşak güç yöntemlerini kullanarak uluslararası arenada aktif bir politikayı sağlamak ve sürdürmekle ilgilenmektedir. Ancak, Ukrayna krizinden sonra 2014-2015 yılları arasında dünyada Rus pozisyonu çarpıcı şekilde değişmiştir. Kuzey Atlantik Antlaşması Örgütü (NATO) ve Moskova arasındaki ilişkinin tarihi tam olarak "sorunlar, güvensizlik ve yanlış anlamalar" şeklinde yorumlanabilir. Ukrayna çatışması, Rusya-Batı ilişkilerini Soğuk Savaşın bitiminden bu yana ilk defa çatışma sınırına getirdi. NATO Soğuk Savaşın bittiğinden bu yana yeni bir stratejik vizyon arıyor. Şu anda, yeni bir siyasi-askeri atmosfer Rusya'nın eylemleri tarafından tehdit edilmekle birlikte, bu yeni iklimin tüm tarafların menfaatine olmadığı açıktır; bir takım güvenlik tehditleri hem Avrupa Atlantik hem de Avrasya için ciddi zorlu olmuştur. Birinci bölümde Tarihsel süreç ve stratejiler, İkinci bölümde soğuk savaş'tan günümüze NATO ile Rusya arasındakı İlişkinin değerlendirilmesi, Üçüncü bölümde Ukrayna krizi ve sonuncu bölümde ise Ukrayna Krizi'nden sonra NATO-Rusya arasındaki yeni ve değişen stratejiler tanımlanacaktır. ; Through the Ukrainian crisis, we have realised a thoughtful debate in the international relations method. This crisis has shaken Moscow's relationships with the external world and has led NATO to renew its strategies. Therefore, the aim of this article is to examine the relations between Russia and NATO in the context of the transformation of NATO strategies that emerged within the framework of the Ukrainian crisis. Nowadays, Russia is interested in achieving and continuing a dynamic strategy in the international arena, by means of economic negotiation and soft power methods, as evidenced by Russian president Vladimir Putin in a board meeting with the Russian Security Council. However, the Russian situation in the outside world has radically changed after the Ukrainian crisis, during 2014-2015. The history of the relationship between the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and Moscow can be fully interpreted as "problems, insecurity and misunderstandings". For the first time, since the end of the Cold War, the Ukrainian conflict brought the Russian-Western relations to the borderline of confrontation. Alliance has been trying to find a different strategical concept since the end of the Cold War. Nowadays, although a different political-military environment is threatened by Russia's activities, however, it's clear that this different environment is not in the interest of all parties as a number of security threats have been severely challenging for equally the Euro- Atlantic and Eurasia. Firstly, I would try to underline historical processes and strategies between NATO-Russia, then I will describe the evaluation of the relationship between NATO and Russia since the Cold War. Secondly, I will discuss the Ukraine crisis and Finally, I will try to show new and changing strategies between NATO and Russia after the Ukraine crisis.

Karst aquifer protection remains inchoate. National and international legally-binding mechanisms rarely consider implementation of karst-specific measures for their evaluation and protection. Although developing suitable protection measures for karst aquifers is challenging because their variable character hampers implementation of generalized methods, it is not impossible. As presented in this dissertation, consideration of scientific aspects and inclusion of karst-specific evaluation methods is of great importance. However, the additional inclusion of socio-political aspects is also crucial for advances in karst aquifer protection. Analyses of current European Union and United States of America policies performed in this study have shown that they can provide valuable input regarding the topic. It is also clear that accounting for the interests of affected entities, such as policy-makers, stakeholders and the public, is critical. Satisfying their needs, and assuring their understanding of karst aquifers, can ease and improve implementations of adopted measures. By recognizing these aspects, an interdisciplinary framework for karst aquifer protection was developed, and is presented in this study. The so-called K-framework, developed as a checklist, assures implementation of necessary steps for comprehensive karst aquifer evaluation and management. It further defines how each entity can contribute to the process by providing their knowledge, and allocates responsibilities of each sphere. An important attribute of the proposed framework is that it can be used on varying karst terrains and for various impacts that might threaten karst aquifers. Additionally, it is cost- and time-efficient, while still considering important aspects of karst and insuring the inclusion of important affected parties. ; Zaščita kraških vodonosnikov ostaja pomanjkljiva. Državni in meddržavni zavezujoči mehanizmi redko zagotavljajo vključitev metod, primernih za ovrednotenje ter zaščito krasa. Čeprav oblikovanje primernih ukrepov za zaščito kraških vodonosnikov predstavlja izziv, saj njihove spremenljive značilnosti otežujejo izvajanje posplošenih metod, oblikovanje primernih metod ni nemogoče. Kot je predstavljeno v tej disertaciji, sta vključitev znanstvenih vidikov in metod primernih za ovrednotenje kraških vodonosnikov, izredno pomembni. Vendar je dodatno upoštevanje socio-političnih vidikov ključnega pomena za zagotovitev napredka na področju zaščite kraških vodonosnikov. Analize obstoječih politik Evropske Unije ter Združenih Držav Amerike, izvedene v tej študiji, so pokazale, da le-te lahko prispevajo dragocene informacije na temo. Poleg tega je prikazano, da je upoštevanje interesov prizadetih deležnikov, kot so oblikovalci politik, javnost ter druge zainteresirane skupine, neizmerno pomembno. Zadovoljitev njihovih potreb ter zagotavljanje njihovega razumevanja kraških vodonosnikov lahko olajšata in izboljšata izvajanje primernih zaščitnih metod. Upoštevanje teh dejavnikov je omogočilo oblikovanje med-disciplinarnega okvira za zaščito kraških vodonosnikov, ki je predstavljen v tej študiji. Tako imenovani K-okvir, oblikovan kot kontrolni seznam, zagotavlja izvajanje korakov potrebnih za izčrpno ovrednotenje ter upravljanje kraških vodonosnikov. Poleg tega določa, kako vsak deležnik lahko prispeva svoje znanje k procesu ter opredeli njihove dolžnosti. Pomemben atribut tovrstnega okvira je, da se ga lahko izvaja na različnih kraških pokrajinah in za raznovrstne vplive, ki bi lahko ogrožali kraške vodonosnike. Poleg tega je časovno in stroškovno sprejemljiv ter istočasno upošteva posebnosti kraških vodonosnikov in zagotavlja vključitev vseh pomembnih prizadetih deležnikov.

Incrociando le indicazioni teoriche e metodologiche provenienti dalla microstoria italiana con la nozione di strategie e tattiche concettualizzata da Michel de Certeau, il nucleo della tesi è dedicato alla vita in un quartiere popolare bolognese nel corso del regime fascista. Dopo una prima parte relativa alla storia urbana del quartiere Bolognina dalla sua ideazione sulla carta (1885) al primo dopoguerra, concentrata sulle strategie (formali o informali) che hanno ordinato lo spazio e il tempo delle classi subalterne lì abitanti, le restanti due parti sono interamente dedicate al ventennio fascista. Mettendo in luce i tentativi di seduzione ideologica e di ridefinizione del quartiere nel senso del decoro borghese, attuati dalle articolazioni locali del Partito Fascista, la tesi si occuperà in seguito di analizzare la presenza costante della violenza squadrista, le pratiche repressive delle forze dell'ordine, il ruolo di spie e delatori occasionali, le tattiche di resistenza informale ed individuale attuate dalla popolazione e, infine, l'organizzazione di base delle reti comuniste all'interno del rione, focalizzando particolarmente l'attenzione sul reclutamento dei giovani e il ruolo dei libri. Individuando i modi in cui si sono formati gli atteggiamenti nei confronti del fascismo, tramite un'indagine microstorica, la tesi vuole contribuire al dibattito circa l'effettiva utilità della categoria di consenso; analizzando, nell'ultima parte, le pratiche inerenti al reclutamento dei giovani da parte del Partito Comunista nel corso del regime fascista, vuole altresì gettare luce sui modi in cui le classi subalterne si sono avvicinate alla politica e ne hanno appreso le basi. ; Mixing the methodological suggestions from the Italian Microhistory with the concepts of strategies and tactics conceived by Michel de Certeau, the thesis focuses on everyday life in a working-class neighbourhood of Bologna during the Fascist regime. After a first part concerning the urban history of the Bolognina neighbourhood from its first appearance in the local Urban Plan (1885) to the end of WWI, in which I will analyse in particular the strategies (formal or informal) that organized the space and the time of inhabitants, the thesis focuses on the Fascist ventennio. I will examine the attempts, made by the local Fascist organizations, to ideologically seduce the inhabitants and to redefine the neighbourhood's structure aiming to spread the value of respectability in it; I will later analyse the constant presence of Fascist violence, the repressive practices and the different actors involved in the Fascist political police, the role played by professional spies and occasional informants, the tactics of apolitical and individual resistance adopted by the inhabitants and, in the end, the communist networks arisen in the neighbourhood, focusing my attention on the enrollment of young people and the key-role of books. The thesis enter in the debate about the methodological usefulness of the category of consensus or consent, microhistorically investigating the ways in which the attitudes towards the Fascist regime have developed; furthermore, the thesis also analyse the ways in which working-class youngsters became interested in communism, during the Fascist era, and how they learned its fundamentals.

The context of apprehending the preconditions of the "hybrid war" against Ukraine initiated by the Kremlin draws special attention to the analysis if the sociocultural situation in Donetsk region on the eve and during the unfolding of the Orange Revolution. The interest is caused by the fact that Russia used all possible strategies (except military ones) for incorporating Ukraine in the neo-imperial space exactly during the period of 2003–2004.The last years of Kuchma's cadence were distinguished by the sharp turn of the subjected to him "team" in power toward the direct integration with Russia. This was caused by the increasing authoritarian approach to running the country: such policy led to the wave of protests, set up by pro-Ukrainian and pro-European parties and NGOs. Considering this, Kremlin remained Kuchma's only real external political ally. Taking advantage of the situation, Moscow decided to include Ukraine in the orbit of its influence: presidential candidate Yanukovych, supported by the power, was to become "the tool" for the fulfillment of these plans, while Donetsk and Luhansk regions were chosen as the foothold for the onset of the annexation. That's why this area observed the intense ideological propaganda, imposing the opinion that Donbas's interests radically opposed the interests of other Ukrainian territories, primarily Dnieper Ukraine and Halychyna.The defeat of the pro-Russian powers (the most influential being the criminal nomenclature of the "Party of Regions") testified that the mobilization potential of the anti-Ukrainian slogans in Donetsk region in 2003–2004 was absolutely insufficient for Russia. Moscow got totally convinced that local separatism could be inspired only by the external factors, which made it proceed to more aggressive strategies of influence. ; У контексті осмислення передумов розпочатої Кремлем «гібридної війни» проти України особливу увагу привертає аналіз соціокультурної ситуації на Донеччині у переддень та у час розгортання Помаранчевої революції. Інтерес цей зумовлений тим, що саме в період 2003–2004 рр. у цьому регіоні Росія задіяла всі можливі (окрім військових) стратегії для інкорпорації України в неоімперський простір. Останні роки перебування при владі Л. Кучми позначилися різким поворотом очолюваної ним владної «команди» в напрямі прямої інтеграції з Росією. Причиною цього стало наростання авторитарних тенденцій в управлінні країною: така політика спричинила до хвилі протестів, організаторами яких були проукраїнськи та проєвропейськи налаштовані партії та громадські організації, з огляду на що єдиним реальним зовнішньополітичним союзником Л. Кучми лишався Кремль. Скориставшись цією ситуацією, Москва вирішила включити Україну в орбіту свого впливу: «інструментом» реалізації цих планів мав стати підтримуваний владою кандидат у президенти В. Янукович, а плацдармом, з якого мала розпочатися анексія, обрано було Донеччину (Донецька та Луганська обл.). Саме з цією метою тут здійснювалася інтенсивна ідеологічна обробка населення, якому нав'язувалася думка, що інтереси Донбасу цілковито протилежні інтересам інших українських територій, найперше – Наддніпрянщини та Галичини. Поразка проросійських сил (найвпливовішою серед яких була кримінально-номенклатурна Партія регіонів) засвідчила, що мобілізаційний потенціал антиукраїнських гасел на Донеччині у 2003–2004 рр. був абсолютно недостатнім для Росії. Москва остаточно переконалася, що сепаратизм в регіоні може бути інспірований лише зовнішніми чинниками, що спонукало її перейти до більш агресивних стратегій закріплення свого впливу.

Circular economy, a concept concerned with resource optimization in line with the natural cycles, is rapidly gaining global prominence and may soon become a key force in reaching the goals of the Paris Agreement. The authors explore the possibilities of using circular economy concept for mitigating and adapting to climate change. Circular economy stimulates new ways of thinking about climate change and expands the spectrum of solutions in the sphere, as well as opens up new space for using these possibilities to create breakthrough and innovative practices, maximizing positive impacts and minimizing ecological risks. The concept enables articulating new approaches, draws attention to the significant interconnections between different spheres and also offers a new language for addressing climate challenges. Politicians, authorities, academics and businesses dealing with climate change should consider the links and potential synergies between energy, economic, environmental, resource (regarding, in particular, waste) and other policies within the framework of a holistic sustainability policy, as well as resource flows between different sectors and industries. The use of the communicative potential of the concept in establishing a dialogue between the parties concerned is equally important, as the concept brings to the forefront important ecological-economic knowledge in a way that business and political leaders can easily comprehend and use. At the same time, one should be careful about the distorted applications of the concept. We focus on the challenges the concept of circular economy brings about, along with the limitations it faces, breaking them into three categories– interpretation, use and scientific rigor. While still in the formation stage, circular economy might be used without consideration of deeper environmental, social or ethical aspects, and therefore it is important to develop the concept based on foundations derived from ecological economics and sustainability science, without sacrificing its innovative nature and intuitive comprehensibility for a wide range of stakeholders. ; Економіка замкнених циклів є концепцією управління ресурсами, що стрімко набуває глобальної популярності та може зовсім скоро стати ключовим рушієм для досягнення цілей Паризької угоди. Розглянуто можливості та перестороги щодо застосування науково обґрунтованої концепції економіки замкнених циклів для заходів із пом'якшення та адаптації до змін клімату. Обґрунтовано внесок економіки замкнених циклів до нового розуміння змін клімату, поглиблення та розширення спектра рішень у цій сфері, виявлення нових взаємозв'язків між різними галузями та секторами, а також застосування цих можливостей для проривних та інноваційних практик, які максимізують позитивні впливи та зводять до мінімуму екологічні ризики. Проаналізовано особливості концепції економіки замкнених циклів, які сприяють залученню широкого кола зацікавлених сторін (представників органів влади, бізнесу, науки, громадськості) та активному діалогу між ними. Звернено увагу на істотні аспекти застосування концепції для пом'якшення та адаптації до змін клімату, можливості для синергій між енергетичною, економічною, екологічною, ресурсною та іншими політиками в ширших рамках цілісної політики сталості. З'ясовано обмеження та актуальні виклики, що пов'язані з тлумаченням, практичним втіленням і науковими засадами концепції. Запропоновано ключові напрями застосування економіки замкнених циклів для стратегій щодо пом'якшення та адаптації до змін клімату.

Our era is rich with myths that help disseminate certain ideologies and favor a form of 'presentism'. François Hartog see's this as a constant compulsion to keep moving and yet an inability to embody the progress we make. This research proposes as its main hypothesis that a resolution to this conundrum requires a step away from the generational reading of the digital, which treats its rise as an event in its own right, and instead embrace a more dynamic reading in alignment with Luc Boltanski and Laurent Thévenot's notion of "economies of grandeur" (« économies de la grandeur »). In doing so, this reading will allow for a better understanding of the present while unveiling the structures that shape organisations today (in this case OuiShare and Renault). We shall consider the digital in different situations, to shine light on its dialectical position between the productive and the social system where it functions as a catalyst for profound transformations, notably regarding work and the organization of labor.To do so, we must however recognize a certain plasticity of the organizations that govern work, while also questioning the theories that characterize them. Three dimensions are seen to emerge here: the concentration of capital, the concentration of means of production and the concentration of the capacity of organizations. By shining light on new routes of social adaptation and political creativity, this research therefore aims to foster a more complex approach towards the 'digital', its effects on the different modes of work organization and on society as a whole. ; Nous vivons une époque faite de mythes qui vont diffuser des idéologies et favoriser une forme de « présentisme », selon les mots de François Hartog : une injonction au mouvement et pourtant, une incapacité à incarner ce mouvement. L'hypothèse centrale de ce travail de recherche est que pour sortir de cette impasse il faut s'extraire de la lecture générationnelle du numérique, qui considère celui-ci comme un événement à part entière, pour développer une lecture dynamique par une appropriation des « économies de la grandeur » de Luc Boltanski et Laurent Thévenot. Cette lecture va nous permettre de densifier le présent et va dévoiler une partie des structures qui conditionnent les organisations ( dans le cas de ce travail : OuiShare et Renault). On va ainsi observer le numérique en situation, au cœur de la dialectique entre le système productif et le système social. De cette manière nous allons l'appréhender comme le catalyseur de transformation plus profondes comme celles qui touchent le travail et son organisation. Pour ce faire nous avons dû redonner à ces organisations qui régentent le travail une forme de plasticité tout en interrogeant les théories qui les caractérisent. Nous avons ainsi fait émerger trois dimensions, comme autant de ligne de crête qui conditionnent le travail et son organisation dont l'équilibre est aujourd'hui remis en question par le numérique: la concentration du capital, la concentration des moyens de production, la concentration de la capacité d'organisation. L'intention de ce travail de recherche est d'alimenter une approche complexe du numérique et de ses effets sur les modes d'organisation du travail et sur notre société en général afin d'ouvrir des pistes d'adaptation sociale et de créativité politique.

We defend the heterodox position that one of the key conditions for the success of a digital planning policy is not related to the implementation of its technical infrastructure. However the latter is the most expensive, visible and concrete part of such a policy. It is also at the centre of an infinite number of debates and publications within the civil society and politicians. The key factor that we have in mind is the « inhabitant welfare », which has been more and more invoked for almost a decade in the media, in the speeches of elected officials, and particularly in the works of researchers in economics, sociology and political sciences. But this welfare has not yet found its place as a tool for the geography, a way of reading or analysing the territory, of measuring spatial practices, of assessing the legitimacy and the quality of a public policy. Inspired by the referential Spiral of the Council of Europe, we set up and led two surveys on the Yvelines territory in collaboration with several local councils and an association of residents. The data from 2200 answers collected are cross-analysed with a survey by INSEE (2014), a CREDOC study (2012) and a poll by Harris Interactive (2015).Our analysis of these data seems to support our original hypothesis : the inhabitant welfare is a relevant description and discriminant for the relationship between the human beings and their territory. ; La position hétérodoxe que nous défendons dans cette thèse est de dire qu'une des conditions majeures de succès d'une politique d'aménagement ou de développement numérique du territoire n'est pas directement liée au déploiement d'une infrastructure technique. Celle-ci en est pourtant la partie la plus coûteuse, la plus visible et la plus facile à mesurer. Elle est aussi au centre d'un nombre infini de débats et de publications au sein de la société civile et de l'arène politique. Le facteur-clé de succès auquel nous pensons est le « bien-être habitant » dont nous observons depuis presque dix ans qu''il est de plus en plus couramment invité dans les pages des médias, dans le discours des élus, dans les travaux de chercheurs en économie, en sociologie et en politologie notamment. Mais il n'a probablement pas encore trouvé sa juste place comme outil de géographie, comme moyen de lecture ou d'analyse du territoire, d''évaluation d'une pratique spatiale, d''appréciation de la légitimité et de la qualité d'une politique publique. Nous inspirant du référentiel Spiral du Conseil de l''Europe, nous avons préparé et conduit deux consultations sur le territoire des Yvelines en collaboration avec plusieurs communes et une association d'habitants. Les données des 2200 réponses collectées ont été croisées à celles d''une enquête de l'INSEE (2014), d''une étude du CREDOC (2012) et d 'un sondage réalisé par la société Harris Interactive (2015). Leur examen semble corroborer notre hypothèse de départ : le bien-être habitant est un descripteur et discriminant pertinent de la relation de l''homme au territoire.

Our era is rich with myths that help disseminate certain ideologies and favor a form of 'presentism'. François Hartog see's this as a constant compulsion to keep moving and yet an inability to embody the progress we make. This research proposes as its main hypothesis that a resolution to this conundrum requires a step away from the generational reading of the digital, which treats its rise as an event in its own right, and instead embrace a more dynamic reading in alignment with Luc Boltanski and Laurent Thévenot's notion of "economies of grandeur" (« économies de la grandeur »). In doing so, this reading will allow for a better understanding of the present while unveiling the structures that shape organisations today (in this case OuiShare and Renault). We shall consider the digital in different situations, to shine light on its dialectical position between the productive and the social system where it functions as a catalyst for profound transformations, notably regarding work and the organization of labor.To do so, we must however recognize a certain plasticity of the organizations that govern work, while also questioning the theories that characterize them. Three dimensions are seen to emerge here: the concentration of capital, the concentration of means of production and the concentration of the capacity of organizations. By shining light on new routes of social adaptation and political creativity, this research therefore aims to foster a more complex approach towards the 'digital', its effects on the different modes of work organization and on society as a whole. ; Nous vivons une époque faite de mythes qui vont diffuser des idéologies et favoriser une forme de « présentisme », selon les mots de François Hartog : une injonction au mouvement et pourtant, une incapacité à incarner ce mouvement. L'hypothèse centrale de ce travail de recherche est que pour sortir de cette impasse il faut s'extraire de la lecture générationnelle du numérique, qui considère celui-ci comme un événement à part entière, pour développer une lecture dynamique par une appropriation des « économies de la grandeur » de Luc Boltanski et Laurent Thévenot. Cette lecture va nous permettre de densifier le présent et va dévoiler une partie des structures qui conditionnent les organisations ( dans le cas de ce travail : OuiShare et Renault). On va ainsi observer le numérique en situation, au cœur de la dialectique entre le système productif et le système social. De cette manière nous allons l'appréhender comme le catalyseur de transformation plus profondes comme celles qui touchent le travail et son organisation. Pour ce faire nous avons dû redonner à ces organisations qui régentent le travail une forme de plasticité tout en interrogeant les théories qui les caractérisent. Nous avons ainsi fait émerger trois dimensions, comme autant de ligne de crête qui conditionnent le travail et son organisation dont l'équilibre est aujourd'hui remis en question par le numérique: la concentration du capital, la concentration des moyens de production, la concentration de la capacité d'organisation. L'intention de ce travail de recherche est d'alimenter une approche complexe du numérique et de ses effets sur les modes d'organisation du travail et sur notre société en général afin d'ouvrir des pistes d'adaptation sociale et de créativité politique.

The cotton affair, which overwhelmed Uzbekistan after 1983 and involved thousands of state and party cadres, resulted in Rashidov's memory being stained and in extensive purges of the former ruling elite. This massive moralization campaign became a crucial event in late Soviet history, provoking disaffection with the empire among the Uzbek elite and providing a postcolonial trauma narrative undergirding Uzbekistan's independence and post‑Soviet identity. Karimov's ideological shift (1989‑1991) saw the CPUz move from loyal communist orthodoxy towards independence and a nationalist ideological split. Right from birth, the newly independent Republic of Uzbekistan claimed to have been under the colonial tutelage of Moscow and its local 'puppets,' as exemplified by the Uzbek affair—as well as the cotton monoculture and the related ecological disaster in the Aral basin, creating a sensitive identity theme of resistance against Soviet power. The major events are here identified: in the harsh political rhetoric of the late 1980s – characterized by such terms as "colonial," "purge," "new terror," "renewed 1937," "Uzbek genocide"; the witch‑hunt against the Uzbek people and anti‑Uzbek krasnyi desant by the CPSU; the general amnesty of the prosecuted people, and the rehabilitation of Rashidov as a "national hero." These events played a major role in reshaping 'Uzbekness,' that post‑Soviet sense of a unique Uzbek identity. ; Le scandale du coton, qui a bouleversé l'Ouzbékistan après 1983 et impliqué des milliers de cadres du gouvernement et du parti, a eu pour effet d'entacher la mémoire de Rashidov et s'est soldée par une importante vague de purges au sein de l'ancienne élite dirigeante. La campagne massive de moralisation qui lui est associée devint un événement crucial de l'époque soviétique tardive, provoquant la désaffection de l'élite ouzbèke à l'égard de l'empire et nourrissant le récit sur le trauma postcolonial qui sous‑tend l'indépendance de l'Ouzbékistan et l'identité postsoviétique. Le changement idéologique impulsé par Karimov (1989‑1991) vit le PC de l'Ouzbékistan passer d'une orthodoxie communiste loyale à l'indépendance et à une rupture idéologique nationaliste. Dès ses débuts, la république d'Ouzbékistan nouvellement indépendante déclara avoir été sous la tutelle coloniale de Moscou (et de ses marionnettes locales), ceci illustré par « l'affaire ouzbèke », tout comme par la monoculture du coton et le désastre écologique qui s'est ensuivi dans le bassin de la mer d'Aral, générant ainsi un thème identitaire sensible de résistance contre le pouvoir soviétique. Les événements clés sont ici identifiés : qu'il s'agisse de l'âpre rhétorique politique en cours en Ouzbékistan à la fin des années 1980 (dont le discours était ponctué des termes « colonial », « purge », « nouvelle terreur », « retour de 1937 », « génocide ouzbek »), qu'il s'agisse de la ferme condamnation de « la chasse aux sorcières » contre le peuple ouzbek ou de « la descente rouge (kranyj desant) » anti-ouzbèke, toutes deux perpétrées par le PCUS, qu'il s'agisse encore de l'amnistie générale des personnes persécutées ou de la réhabilitation de Rashidov au rang de « héros national ». Ces événements ont joué un rôle majeur dans la reconstruction de l'« ouzbékité », cette perception postsoviétique d'une identité ouzbèke unique.

Humanity and their organizations of the xxi century observe with concern the turbulent episodes and of disorder that generate uncertainty and chaos in the social, political, ecological, technological, scientific and management aspects among others. Many display, in the midst of those manifestations, signs to be used as opportunities to rethink through innovation and the generation of new products and services, the direction of the organizations in an attempt to address the aspects of dissatisfaction of customers and other interested parties. The alternate and different look compared to the scenarios described, allows to overcome the paradigms of the traditional management by considering that the universe, the society and the organizations share as open systems a complex network of interdependent variables, generators of synergy, but also exposed to disorder and chaos that challenges business leaders to the design of management strategies with a transdisciplinary approach that allows them to view, intervene and minimize the undesirable effects that may threaten the stability and development of their institutions. ; La humanidad y sus organizaciones del siglo XXI observan con inquietud los episodios turbulentos y de desorden que generan incertidumbre y caos en los aspectos sociales, políticos, ecológicos, tecnológicos, científicos y en la gestión, entre otros. Muchos visualizan, en medio de esas manifestaciones, señales que se deben aprovechar como oportunidades para replantear a través de la innovación y generación de nuevos productos y servicios, el rumbo de las organizaciones en procura de atender los aspectos de insatisfacción de los clientes y demás partes interesadas. La mirada alterna y diferente frente a los escenarios descritos, permite superar los paradigmas de la gestión tradicional al considerar que el universo, la sociedad y las organizaciones comparten como sistemas abiertos un complejo entramado de variables interdependientes, generadoras de sinergia, pero también expuestas al desorden y al caos que reta a los líderes empresariales al diseño de estrategias de gestión con un abordaje y alcance transdisciplinar que les permita visualizar, intervenir y minimizar los efectos indeseables que pueden atentar contra la estabilidad y desarrollo de sus instituciones. Palabras clave: Paradigmas, Complejidad, Entorno, Orden – Desorden, Caos, Gestión, Turbulencia, Transdisciplina y Organizaciones. ; A humanidade e as suas organizações do século xxi observam com inquietude os episódios turbulentos e de desordem que geram incerteza e caos nos aspetos sociais, políticos, ecológicos, tecnológicos, científicos e na gestão, entre outros. Muitos visualizam, no meio dessas manifestações, sinais que devem-se aproveitar como oportunidades para reformular através da inovação e geração de novos produtos e serviços, o rumo das organizações em procura de atender os aspectos de insatisfação dos clientes e demais partes interessadas. O olhar alterno e diferente frente aos cenários descritos, permite superar os paradigmas dagestão tradicional ao considerar que o universo, a sociedade e as organizações partilham como sistemas abertos um complexo entrelaçado de variáveis interdependentes, geradoras de sinergia, mas também expostas à desordem e ao caos que desafia aos líderes empresariais ao desenho de estratégias de gestão com uma abordagem e alcance transdisciplinar que lhes permita visualizar, intervir e minimizar os efeitos indesejáveis que podem atentar contra a estabilidade e desenvolvimento das suas instituições.

La humanidad y sus organizaciones del siglo XXI observan con inquietud los episodios turbulentos y de desorden que generan incertidumbre y caos en los aspectos sociales, políticos, ecológicos, tecnológicos, científicos y en la gestión, entre otros. Muchos visualizan, en medio de esas manifestaciones, señales que se deben aprovechar como oportunidades para replantear a través de la innovación y generación de nuevos productos y servicios, el rumbo de las organizaciones en procura de atender los aspectos de insatisfacción de los clientes y demás partes interesadas. La mirada alterna y diferente frente a los escenarios descritos, permite superar los paradigmas de la gestión tradicional al considerar que el universo, la sociedad y las organizaciones comparten como sistemas abiertos un complejo entramado de variables interdependientes, generadoras de sinergia, pero también expuestas al desorden y al caos que reta a los líderes empresariales al diseño de estrategias de gestión con un abordaje y alcance transdisciplinar que les permita visualizar, intervenir y minimizar los efectos indeseables que pueden atentar contra la estabilidad y desarrollo de sus instituciones. Palabras clave: Paradigmas, Complejidad, Entorno, Orden – Desorden, Caos, Gestión, Turbulencia, Transdisciplina y Organizaciones. ; A humanidade e as suas organizações do século xxi observam com inquietude os episódios turbulentos e de desordem que geram incerteza e caos nos aspetos sociais, políticos, ecológicos, tecnológicos, científicos e na gestão, entre outros. Muitos visualizam, no meio dessas manifestações, sinais que devem-se aproveitar como oportunidades para reformular através da inovação e geração de novos produtos e serviços, o rumo das organizações em procura de atender os aspectos de insatisfação dos clientes e demais partes interessadas. O olhar alterno e diferente frente aos cenários descritos, permite superar os paradigmas dagestão tradicional ao considerar que o universo, a sociedade e as organizações partilham como sistemas abertos um complexo entrelaçado de variáveis interdependentes, geradoras de sinergia, mas também expostas à desordem e ao caos que desafia aos líderes empresariais ao desenho de estratégias de gestão com uma abordagem e alcance transdisciplinar que lhes permita visualizar, intervir e minimizar os efeitos indesejáveis que podem atentar contra a estabilidade e desenvolvimento das suas instituições. ; Humanity and their organizations of the xxi century observe with concern the turbulent episodes and of disorder that generate uncertainty and chaos in the social, political, ecological, technological, scientific and management aspects among others. Many display, in the midst of those manifestations, signs to be used as opportunities to rethink through innovation and the generation of new products and services, the direction of the organizations in an attempt to address the aspects of dissatisfaction of customers and other interested parties. The alternate and different look compared to the scenarios described, allows to overcome the paradigms of the traditional management by considering that the universe, the society and the organizations share as open systems a complex network of interdependent variables, generators of synergy, but also exposed to disorder and chaos that challenges business leaders to the design of management strategies with a transdisciplinary approach that allows them to view, intervene and minimize the undesirable effects that may threaten the stability and development of their institutions.