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The article outlines the causes, course and consequences of the protests of people with disabilities and their carers that took place in Poland in 2014 and 2018 respectively. Said protests took a form of occupation of the Polish parliament building. This was intended to draw attention to the considerable difficulties people with disabilities face, as well as to advocate for raising social benefits. We also describe the process of people with disabilities gaining subjectivity and the role of non-governmental organisations and various experts, including but not limited to academics. Moreover, the article demonstrates circumstances to be considered with regards to disability activism. We argue that the systemic transformation that Poland underwent in 1989 and the following years pertained chiefly to matters relating to improving the country's economic situation. This led to civic matters being treated as less of a priority. Subsequently, people with disabilities became one of the marginalised groups. Their incomplete emancipation has hindered the proper application of the principles of the CRPD. The article was co-written by persons with disabilities, who draw on their experiences, and their non-disabled colleagues in academia who are actively engaged in supporting disability activism.

This work is a study of contemporary protest song in the USA through the songs and social and political activism of Bruce Springsteen. It contends that Springsteen has been able to reexamine American protest songs and frame a new genre under the umbrella of rock music by adapting his music to the social and political context of contemporary America. The thesis that I defend shows that the reason behind the commercial success of Springsteen can be explained by the fact that he has adopted several artistic strategies which have brought him an audience composed of dedicated fans who admire him. I argue that Springsteen adopts four main strategies: firstly, singing about ordinary people and reporting their daily hardships; secondly, composing somber songs that deal with the despair of blue collars and marginalized Americans; thirdly, adopting mimesis (imitation) which has a cathartic effect on Springsteen's audience; and finally, getting involved in social and political activism. The thesis contends that Springsteen is among the top selling rock singers in the USA and several other countries thanks to these four strategies. Springsteen has reinvented protest song as a genre and has become a reference in a world where everything is co-opted including the very act of rebellion. I, therefore, suggest a new term, reflective songs, to describe the songs of Bruce Springsteen when they reflect on the condition of the socially excluded instead of protesting pointlessly. Springsteen's reflective song is undoubtedly the most relevant artistic medium to shed light on the most deprived people of contemporary America. Perhaps, the reflective song of Bruce Springsteen will not change the world, but at least it gives people a reason to hope for a better future. ; Ce travail constitue une réflexion sur la chanson contestataire contemporaine aux États-Unis à travers les chansons et l'engagement politique et social de Bruce Springsteen. Nous défendons la thèse que Springsteen renouvelle le genre de la protest song en s'adaptant à ...

This work is a study of contemporary protest song in the USA through the songs and social and political activism of Bruce Springsteen. It contends that Springsteen has been able to reexamine American protest songs and frame a new genre under the umbrella of rock music by adapting his music to the social and political context of contemporary America. The thesis that I defend shows that the reason behind the commercial success of Springsteen can be explained by the fact that he has adopted several artistic strategies which have brought him an audience composed of dedicated fans who admire him. I argue that Springsteen adopts four main strategies: firstly, singing about ordinary people and reporting their daily hardships; secondly, composing somber songs that deal with the despair of blue collars and marginalized Americans; thirdly, adopting mimesis (imitation) which has a cathartic effect on Springsteen's audience; and finally, getting involved in social and political activism. The thesis contends that Springsteen is among the top selling rock singers in the USA and several other countries thanks to these four strategies. Springsteen has reinvented protest song as a genre and has become a reference in a world where everything is co-opted including the very act of rebellion. I, therefore, suggest a new term, reflective songs, to describe the songs of Bruce Springsteen when they reflect on the condition of the socially excluded instead of protesting pointlessly. Springsteen's reflective song is undoubtedly the most relevant artistic medium to shed light on the most deprived people of contemporary America. Perhaps, the reflective song of Bruce Springsteen will not change the world, but at least it gives people a reason to hope for a better future. ; Ce travail constitue une réflexion sur la chanson contestataire contemporaine aux États-Unis à travers les chansons et l'engagement politique et social de Bruce Springsteen. Nous défendons la thèse que Springsteen renouvelle le genre de la protest song en s'adaptant à ...

This work is a study of contemporary protest song in the USA through the songs and social and political activism of Bruce Springsteen. It contends that Springsteen has been able to reexamine American protest songs and frame a new genre under the umbrella of rock music by adapting his music to the social and political context of contemporary America. The thesis that I defend shows that the reason behind the commercial success of Springsteen can be explained by the fact that he has adopted several artistic strategies which have brought him an audience composed of dedicated fans who admire him. I argue that Springsteen adopts four main strategies: firstly, singing about ordinary people and reporting their daily hardships; secondly, composing somber songs that deal with the despair of blue collars and marginalized Americans; thirdly, adopting mimesis (imitation) which has a cathartic effect on Springsteen's audience; and finally, getting involved in social and political activism. The thesis contends that Springsteen is among the top selling rock singers in the USA and several other countries thanks to these four strategies. Springsteen has reinvented protest song as a genre and has become a reference in a world where everything is co-opted including the very act of rebellion. I, therefore, suggest a new term, reflective songs, to describe the songs of Bruce Springsteen when they reflect on the condition of the socially excluded instead of protesting pointlessly. Springsteen's reflective song is undoubtedly the most relevant artistic medium to shed light on the most deprived people of contemporary America. Perhaps, the reflective song of Bruce Springsteen will not change the world, but at least it gives people a reason to hope for a better future. ; Ce travail constitue une réflexion sur la chanson contestataire contemporaine aux États-Unis à travers les chansons et l'engagement politique et social de Bruce Springsteen. Nous défendons la thèse que Springsteen renouvelle le genre de la protest song en s'adaptant à ...

This article takes advantage of a quasi-experiment in the 2006 Latino National Survey (LNS) to examine the effects of exogenous events on identity. Roughly halfway through the survey's data collection, millions of Latinos mobilized to protest HR 4437, an immigration bill advancing in the U.S. Congress. This event provides the opportunity to examine differences in self-identification among comparable populations. I divide the LNS into a control group interviewed prior to these demonstrations and a treatment group interviewed after. My analysis shows respondents in the latter group were more likely to identify as American, with effects concentrated among Spanish speakers, and particularly Mexicans and Dominicans. I find no difference in identification as Latino or with one's ancestral subgroup. These findings run contrary to the expectations of much existing literature, which assumes an increased sense of group threat results in heightened pan-ethnic sentiment across the Latino population. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright holder.]

This article aims to analyze the militarization of justice and state response to social protest in two periods in the history of Colombia's civil and military dictatorship (1949 - 1957) and the National Front (1958-1974). To do this, we study the evolution of military criminal justice in relation to two crucial aspects, namely, the criminalization of the strike as a political offense and the trial of civilians in military courts reasoned expressions of social discontent. ; Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la militarización de la justicia como respuesta estatal a la protesta social en dos períodos de la historia de Colombia: la dictadura civil y militar (1949 - 1957) y el Frente Nacional (1958 - 1974). Para ello, se estudia la evolución de la justicia penal militar en relación a dos aspectos cruciales, a saber, la penalización de la huelga como delito político y el enjuiciamiento de civiles en cortes marciales motivado en expresiones de inconformidad social.

This article addresses the protest culture of the Spanish anti-NATO movement during the first half of the 1980s. Adopting a multidisciplinary approach, it focuses on the collective practice of painting murals and graffiti ( pintadas) on walls in the outskirts of Spanish cities. This was done by neighbourhood associations, together with local artists, in order to display and disseminate the widespread angst regarding entering and remaining in NATO. Murals constituted a grassroots multi-layered phenomenon that emerged through the interaction of different communicative actors, social processes and semiotic forms. The article explores three themes. Firstly, the political iconography of anti-NATO murals in Spain whilst comparing it with the aesthetics of other European peace movements. Secondly, the domestic reframing of anti-war and antinuclear icons as well as anti-American clichés, violence and the army, gender relations, Spanish national sovereignty and, more generally, the process of modernisation and westernisation that was rapidly affecting post-Francoist society. Finally, the analysis of these visual expressions offers a bottom-up picture of the final stage of the Cold War and a better understanding of the role of Spanish civil society during the period of democratic consolidation.

Rank-and-file supporters of the Bangsamoro rebellion (1972-1977) articulated their personal sentiments about the war in a genre called "rebelsongs." The lyrics reveal that fighters' personal aspirations often diverged from the official aims of separatist leaders. This article examines how rebel songs transitioned into "Moro songs" in the post-martial law era and why they came to more narrowly reflect the movement's official goals of Moro unity and Islamic renewal. While Muslim separatists hinged their ideology on the concept of a shared religion and history distinct from the rest of the Philippines, the musical vehicle they approved to convey aspirations for political and religious autonomy was not, however, indigenous genres, such as tudtol or dindiken. Rather, Moro songs set Magindanaon lyrics to the melodies of American folk, country and rock ballads—such as Bryan Adams's "Straight from the Heart"—to frame protests against the Philippine government's incursion into the homeland, the fight for religion and calls for Muslim unity. By endorsing this hybrid genre to broadcast separatist goals, the movement opened up a communicative space for its message to internal and external audiences, across cultural and national boundaries.

Diese Arbeit untersucht die politische und wirtschaftliche Transformation der Ukraine von 1991 bis 2013. Mit Hilfe verschiedener Transformationstheorien werden die Entwicklungen im ukrainischen Transformationsprozess analysiert und bewertet. Schlussendlich zeigt die Arbeit auf, an welchen Stellen die Transformation der Ukraine scheiterte und warum das Land im Zustand einer defekten Demokratie mit einer nicht funktionierenden Wirtschaft verharrt.

Diese Arbeit untersucht die politische und wirtschaftliche Transformation der Ukraine von 1991 bis 2013. Mit Hilfe verschiedener Transformationstheorien werden die Entwicklungen im ukrainischen Transformationsprozess analysiert und bewertet. Schlussendlich zeigt die Arbeit auf, an welchen Stellen die Transformation der Ukraine scheiterte und warum das Land im Zustand einer defekten Demokratie mit einer nicht funktionierenden Wirtschaft verharrt.

Bidal Aguero was born on July 23, 1949, and attended Texas Technological College (later Texas Tech University) in the fall of 1967. While there, he became active a Mexican American student organization called Los Tertullianos, becoming vice-president in 1970 and president in 1971. Los Tertullianos organized gatherings and seminars to encourage Mexican American students to be more politically active. Aguero graduated from Texas Tech in December 1972 with a B.A. in music education and after working for Learn-Education Talent Search for seven months, he helped found COMA (Commerciantes Organizacion Mexicano Americano), the Mexican-American Chamber of Commerce, in 1972. ; He joined La Raza Unida Party, ran for local offices such as county commissioner, and participated in organizing protests for injustices done against Mexican Americans. Aguero was one of those who filed a lawsuit against the Lubbock Independent School District to change its method of electing school trustees. Aguero has worked in several local social service organizations such as Defensa, Inc., Chicanos Unidos-Campensions, and Llano Estacado Farmworkers of Tejas and government groups such as the South Plains Association of Governments, the State of Texas, and the City of Lubbock. Aguero is currently publisher of one of the two weekly Spanish newspapers in Lubbock, El Editor. ; Aguero has worked in several local social service organizations such as Defensa, Inc., Chicanos Unidos-Campensions, and Llano Estacado Farmworkers of Tejas and government groups such as the South Plains Association of Governments, the State of Texas, and the City of Lubbock. Aguero is currently publisher of one of the two weekly Spanish newspapers in Lubbock, El Editor. ; Full biography can be found at http://www.lib.utexas.edu/taro/ttusw/00042/tsw-00042.html ; The collection consists of personal, financial and business records, civil rights and social service organizational materials, and government papers. ; Bidal Aguero Papers, 1949-1988 and undated, Southwest ...