Nashoba Civics and Government
In: Social studies: a periodical for teachers and administrators, Band 57, Heft 1, S. 27-30
ISSN: 2152-405X
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In: Social studies: a periodical for teachers and administrators, Band 57, Heft 1, S. 27-30
ISSN: 2152-405X
In: Social studies: a periodical for teachers and administrators, Band 29, Heft 1, S. 14-17
ISSN: 2152-405X
In: The American journal of sociology, Band 15, Heft 4, S. 561-562
ISSN: 1537-5390
Nationality and citizenship have been subjects of stormy policy debates in many EU countries in recent years. Concerns over the integration of immigrants, but also attempts to forge links with emigrants, have led to changes in the laws regulating loss and acquisition of nationality and citizenship. This title outlines the research conducted by a team of 30 researchers into the nationality laws and their implementation in 15 EU member states. Acquisition and Loss of Nationality - Volume 1 presents the results of a systematic comparative analysis. It uses a novel methodology that permits a detailed comparison how nationality can be acquired or lost across all 15 countries. The results show divergent trends towards liberalization in some countries and new restrictions of access to nationality in others. The book examines the impact of international and European law, presents statistical data on naturalization and assesses administrative practices. Although the European Union has no formal competence in regulating nationality, the nationality laws of member states are linked to each other via the common citizenship of the Union. Member States should therefore agree on common norms for their nationality laws. The book contains detailed policy recommendations based on the idea that stakeholders in the political community should be given access to nationality.
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Nationality and citizenship have been subjects of stormy policy debates in many EU countries in recent years. Concerns over the integration of immigrants, but also attempts to forge links with emigrants, have led to changes in the laws regulating loss and acquisition of nationality and citizenship. This title outlines the research conducted by a team of 30 researchers into the nationality laws and their implementation in 15 EU member states. Volume 2 of this study presents detailed studies of each country's nationality laws, their historical background and current provisions. It is a companion to volume 1 which contains comparative analyses based on a novel methodology that permits a detailed comparison how nationality can be acquired or lost across all 15 countries. The results show divergent trends towards liberalization in some countries and new restrictions of access to nationality in others. Volume 1 also examines the impact of international and European law, presents statistical data on naturalisation and assesses administrative practices. Although the European Union has no formal competence in regulating nationality, the nationality laws of member states are linked to each other via the common citizenship of the Union. Member States should therefore agree on common norms for their nationality laws. Volume 1 contains detailed policy recommendations based on the idea that stakeholders in the political community should be given access to nationality. In addition to the two volumes, detailed statistics and further comparative analyses of legal regulations of nationality are available at www.imiscoe.org.
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In: British journal of political science, Band 54, Heft 1, S. 129-151
ISSN: 1469-2112
AbstractOne oft-cited reason for women's political underrepresentation is that women express less political ambition than men. We reframe the puzzle of women's ambition deficit, asking why men have an ambition surplus. Drawing on the concept of symbolic representation, we theorize that political symbols convey to men their capacity for exceptional political leadership. We test our expectations with a US-based survey experiment in which respondents watch one of three 'two-minute civics lessons'. Men who watched a video featuring the accomplishments of the Founding Fathers reported significantly more political ambition than men assigned to the control group. Additional studies indicate that the effects are specific to the Founding Fathers (as compared to early American statesmen). Men are also more likely than women to identify the Founding Fathers as inspiring figures and to feel pride when considering them. Our findings suggest how history is told contributes to men's persistent political overrepresentation.
Frontmatter -- Contents -- Preface -- Introduction -- CHAPTER ONE Greece -- CHAPTER TWO Rome -- CHAPTER THREE Medieval and Early Modern Periods -- CHAPTER FOUR Age of Revolutions -- CHAPTER FIVE Modern and Contemporary Themes I -- CHAPTER SIX Modern and Contemporary Themes II -- Conclusion -- References and Select Bibliography -- Index
In: Studies in Global Justice and Human Rights
In: SGJHR
A compelling response to the call for effective community-led models of human developmentHow can we best empower people living in the most economically disadvantaged areas of the world to improve their lives in ways that matter to them? This book investigates work of the NGO Tostan as a working model of human development. The study is grounded in the ethnographic study of the actual change that happened in one West African village. The result is a powerful mix of theory and practice that questions existing approaches to development and that speaks to both development scholars and practitioners.Divided into three parts, the book firstly assesses why top-down approaches to education and development are unhelpful and offers a theoretical understanding of what constitutes helpful development. Part two examines Tostan's community-based participatory approach as an example of a helpful development intervention, and offers qualitative evidence of its effectiveness. Part three builds a model of how community-led development works, why it is helpful, and what practitioners can do to help people at the grassroots level lead their own human development
Citizens' Solidarity in Europe systematically dissects the manifestations of solidarity buried beneath the official policies and measures of public authority in Europe. In this exciting and innovative book, contributors offer comprehensive and original data and highlight the detrimental factors that tend to inhibit or annihilate solidarity, and those that are beneficial for the nurturing of solidarity.
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What is the relationship between design, power, and social justice? "Design justice" is an approach to design that is led by marginalized communities and that aims expilcitly to challenge, rather than reproduce, structural inequalities. It has emerged from a growing community of designers in various fields who work closely with social movements and community-based organizations around the world. This book explores the theory and practice of design justice, demonstrates how universalist design principles and practices erase certain groups of people—specifically, those who are intersectionally disadvantaged or multiply burdened under the matrix of domination (white supremacist heteropatriarchy, ableism, capitalism, and settler colonialism)—and invites readers to "build a better world, a world where many worlds fit; linked worlds of collective liberation and ecological sustainability." Along the way, the book documents a multitude of real-world community-led design practices, each grounded in a particular social movement. Design Justice goes beyond recent calls for design for good, user-centered design, and employment diversity in the technology and design professions; it connects design to larger struggles for collective liberation and ecological survival.
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Die Konflikte um das Großprojekt »Stuttgart 21« verdeutlichen exemplarisch, wie Protestbewegungen das postdemokratische Zusammenspiel von Staat und Wirtschaft herausfordern. Bürgerbeteiligung und Kostentransparenz sind seither nahezu obligatorisch, dabei hat die Bewegung gegen »S21« ihr eigentliches Ziel, das Bahn- und Immobilienprojekt zu stoppen, verfehlt, trotz scheinbar positiver Ausgangslage. Anhand von Schlüsselereignissen im Konflikt um das Großprojekt rekonstruiert Julia von Staden die Dynamiken und Diskurse dieser sozialen Bewegung. Diese Untersuchung stellt in ihrer Art eine Neuheit in der Protest- und Bewegungsforschung dar und ist gleichzeitig ein Lehrstück für andere soziale Bewegungen.
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Mit Fridays for Future haben die Klimaproteste eine zuvor nie erreichte gesellschaftliche Breite und politische Aufmerksamkeit erlangt. Doch wer beteiligt sich eigentlich an dieser sozialen Bewegung, was motiviert die Menschen zu protestieren und welche Einstellungen haben die Beteiligten? Mehrere Umfragen unter Protestierenden aus dem Jahr 2019 bilden den Ausgangspunkt der Analyse von Sebastian Haunss, Moritz Sommer und 26 weiteren Autor*innen dieses Buchs. In zwölf Kapiteln geben sie Einblicke in Entscheidungs- und Mobilisierungsstrukturen lokaler Fridays for Future-Gruppen, analysieren die Reaktionen auf die Proteste in Medien, Politik und Gesellschaft und untersuchen die Einstellungen von Jugendlichen und jungen Erwachsenen zu Themen des Klimawandels. Die einzelnen Kapitel sind so geschrieben, dass sie einem breiteren Publikum einen Zugang zu den ersten Forschungsergebnissen zu Fridays for Future bieten.
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Die Rohstoffausbeutung und das Vordringen des Neo-Extraktivismus in Lateinamerika hat enorme Ausmaße angenommen und tiefgreifende Folgen für Mensch und Natur. Maristella Svampa nimmt sich diesem Prozess an und analysiert ihn umfassend aus sozio-ökologischer und politischer Perspektive. Dazu arbeitet sie die historischen Konjunkturen des Neo-Extraktivismus seit 2003 heraus und schlägt für ein besseres Verständnis der Krise das Konzept des Rohstoffkonsens vor. In Bezug auf den sozio-ökologischen Widerstand führt sie das Konzept der ökoterritorialen Wende ein, das die Vorreiterrolle von indigenen Völkern und Frauen besonders betont - und schließlich wendet sie sich den Grenzen der Rohstoffausbeutung mit Blick auf kriminelle Territorialitäten, patriarchale Gewalt und Rechtsextremismus zu.
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El presente libro analiza el avance del neoextractivismo en América Latina a través de cuatro núcleos fundamentales: el primero propone las categorías de neoextractivismo y de Consenso de los Commodities como ventanas privilegiadas para leer la crisis actual; el segundo analiza las fases del neoextractivismo desde 2003 hasta la actualidad; el tercero aborda las resistencias sociales y las nuevas gramáticas políticas desde el concepto del giro ecoterritorial, y resalta el avance de los pueblos indígenas y el protagonismo creciente de las mujeres; y el cuarto ilustra la expansión de las fronteras del extractivismo: territorialidades criminales, violencia patriarcal y energías extremas.
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