The scope of this work is analysing how economic policies chosen by governments are influenced by the power of social groups. The core idea is taken from the single-mindedness theory, which states that preferences of groups and their ability to focus on the consumption of goods enable them to obtain the most favourable policies. This approach exploits the advantages of probabilistic voting theory, ability to manage the multidiemnsionality and possibility to study precisely how politicians tailor their policies to groups' features. Unlike classic probabilistic voting models, my theory assumes that the density function which captures the distribution of political preferences depends on consumption of goods and preferences of individuals. The higher the consumption of goods, the higher the density, the higher the political power. This mechanism is better explained by considering the role played by "swing voters". Since they are pivotal to changing the equilibrium, candidates must favour them because they realise that even a small change in policy could force them to vote for the other candidate, Thus, the lower the loyalty of voters for parties, the higher the benefit they obtain. As a consequence, these voters are better off and represent the winners of the political process.
Рассмотрены направления деятельности молодежных парламентских структур как субъектов политической коммуникации регионального уровня. Определены модели оптимизации деятельности молодежного парламента как элемента региональной системы парламентской коммуникации. ; This article deals with the activities of youth parliamentary structures as subjects of political communication at the regional level. The models of optimization the youth parliament activity as an element of the regional parliamentary communication system are defined.
Climate change poses numerous challenges to governments and political decision makers ranging from the implementation and enforcement of environmental regulations to funding of research into green technologies and management of the transition process into a carbon-neutral economy. Since emission taxes, public investments in adaptation and public spending on research and development are not revenue- neutral, climate policy also causes fiscal effects. Especially when countries are debt- constrained, it is imperative to determine whether climate policy requires further public borrowing or, instead, relieves the budget by tapping into new sources of public funding. Therefore, this dissertation analyzes the interactions between the public budget constraint, debt and climate policy interventions from a theory-based, integrated fiscal-climate perspective. First, I examine how optimal public debt in a tax-smoothing framework is affected when the government levies an emission tax on the consumption of a polluting public good. If emissions accumulate as a persistent stock pollutant, it is generally not optimal to charge constant tax rates and abide by a balanced-budget rule. Second, I conduct a political economy analysis of strategic incentives to issue public debt if politicians compete for office and disagree on the optimal degree of pollution internalization. In contrast to political economy models neglecting stock pollution, strategic incentives caused by voting uncertainty can result in welfare gains by improving budget efficiency and reducing spending on polluting goods. Finally, I analyze how optimal emission taxes and firm-level abatement in a market with imperfect competition are affected when the public budget constraint and durable public abatement spending are considered. In this case, the government can obtain welfare improvements when substituting firm-level abatement with deficit-funded public abatement investments. Hence, climate policy is associated with normative as well as positive incentives to deviate ...
After the Second World War and fully immersed in the political-territorial dispute between socialism and capitalism, Latin America experienced a moment of great turmoil between those who wanted to close processes of change and those who dreamed of a radical transformation. On the one hand, there were coup d'État, that led to military dictatorships. On the other, liberation movements emerged and revolutions triumphed across the continent. Among several, the Cuban Revolution in 1959 simultaneously became an inspiration and a ghost for millions. In those years, of new social and political forces and processes with an emancipatory sense, emerge two key works to think about the period Pedagogía del Oprimido by Paulo Freire (1968/1970) and Teología de la Liberación by Gustavo Gutiérrez (1971). The first one specifically, was a response (and a proposal) to this context. A situated praxis that seeks to build tools and guiding principles for action. In this work then, we will track - through analysis of written documentary and bibliographic systematics-how these converged in Freire's work and what elements of it are taken up with renewed modes in political praxis. ; Después de la segunda Guerra Mundial e inmersa plenamente en la disputa político-territorial entre socialismo y capitalismo, América Latina vivió un momento de gran agitación entre quienes querían clausurar procesos de cambio y quienes soñaban con una transformación radical de lo existente. Por un lado, se dieron golpes de Estado que derivaron en dictaduras militares. Por el otro, emergieron movimientos de liberación y triunfaron revoluciones en todo el continente. Entre varias, la Revolución Cubana en 1959 se convirtió simultáneamente en faro para millones y en fantasma para otros tantos. En esos años, de nuevas fuerzas y procesos sociales y políticos con un sentido emancipador, surgieron dos obras claves para pensar el período, Pedagogía del Oprimido de Paulo Freire (1968/1970) y Teología de la Liberación de Gustavo Gutiérrez (1971). La primera ...
Germany's asylum policy and the debate surrounding it underwent a significant shift in 2015 when asylum applications increased considerably over previous years. Rather than moving towards more restriction, as was the case in the past when asylum applications saw a substantial rise, the German government responded towards refugees in an open and welcoming manner. This article will analyse the developments which led to the German government's "we can manage it" response, using a conceptual framework which considers structural and agency concerns and the interconnection between the two. The framework centres on processes within the party political system and the way they were or were not influenced by developments and structures in the wider socio-political and economic environment and by politicians' perceptions, beliefs and goals. The findings show that a new alliance was formed between the conservative CDU party and the social democratic SPD party, reflecting a political debate on asylum seekers and refugees which combined an explicit humanitarianism within Germany with a hierarchical classification of migrants who were "more or less needy" of protection, limiting the explicit humanitarianism within Germany to specific groups of migrants and refugees. ; Nemška azilna politika je leta 2015, ko se je v primerjavi s prejšnjimi leti občutno povečalo število prošenj za azil, doživela presenetljiv premik. V nasprotju s pričakovanji nemška vlada ni zaostrila pogojev sprejema, kot je bilo to v navadi v preteklosti, temveč je beguncem izrazila dobrodošlico. Članek ponuja analizo dogodkov, ki so pripeljali do tovrstne vladne usmeritve, in pri tem uporabi konceptualni okvir, ki upošteva strukturo, delovanje in njun preplet. Osredotoča se na procese znotraj strankarskega političnega sistema in analizo morebitnega vpliva nanj s strani struktur v širšem družbenopolitičnem in ekonomskem okolju, ter percepcij, verovanj in ciljev politikov. Izsledki kažejo, da se je med konzervativno stranko CDU in socialnodemokratsko stranko SPD oblikovala nova zaveza. Obe sta zavzeli stališče, da so nekateri migranti zaščite bolj »potrebni« kot drugi. S hierarhizacijo sta domet humanitarizma v Nemčiji omejili na specifične skupine migrantov in beguncev.
En este trabajo, nos proponemos poner en diálogo algunas tesis y conceptos de Hannah Arendt con análisis políticos y sociológicos actuales de las transformaciones de los últimos tiempos ante el advenimiento de la "sociedad postradicional", de la globalización y la crisis de la representación y de la política en general. Especialmente procuramos mostrar la relevancia de lo que Arendt denomina "ruptura de la tradición" para comprender fenómenos políticos contemporáneos al mismo tiempo que la actualidad de su concepto de acción íntimamente vinculado no sólo con la pluralidad sino también con la contingencia y el carácter agonal que ésta trae consigo. A partir de esto, sostenemos que Arendt introduce una "dimensión no técnica de la política" -lo que también puede denominarse "lo político"- que resulta de especial interés para pensar los límites de la política institucional y a la vez delinear posibles vías para la profundización de las democracias existentes ; This work proposes putting some theses and concepts of Hannah Arendt into dialogue with current political and sociological analysis of recent transformations in the light of the advent of post-traditional society, globalization and the crisis of representation and politics in general. The study especially strives to show the relevance of what Arendt calls "the break-down of tradition" in order to understand contemporary political phenomena along with the actuality of her concept of action, intimately linked not only with plurality, but also with contingency and its agonistic character. The study holds that Arendt introduces a "non-technical dimension of politics,"which can also be called" the political, that is of special interest for conceiving the limits of institutional policy and at the same time delineating possible ways to deepen existing democracies ; Fil: Di Pego, Anabella. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (UNLP-CONICET); Argentina.
En este trabajo, nos proponemos poner en diálogo algunas tesis y conceptos de Hannah Arendt con análisis políticos y sociológicos actuales de las transformaciones de los últimos tiempos ante el advenimiento de la "sociedad postradicional", de la globalización y la crisis de la representación y de la política en general. Especialmente procuramos mostrar la relevancia de lo que Arendt denomina "ruptura de la tradición" para comprender fenómenos políticos contemporáneos al mismo tiempo que la actualidad de su concepto de acción íntimamente vinculado no sólo con la pluralidad sino también con la contingencia y el carácter agonal que ésta trae consigo. A partir de esto, sostenemos que Arendt introduce una "dimensión no técnica de la política" -lo que también puede denominarse "lo político"- que resulta de especial interés para pensar los límites de la política institucional y a la vez delinear posibles vías para la profundización de las democracias existentes ; This work proposes putting some theses and concepts of Hannah Arendt into dialogue with current political and sociological analysis of recent transformations in the light of the advent of post-traditional society, globalization and the crisis of representation and politics in general. The study especially strives to show the relevance of what Arendt calls "the break-down of tradition" in order to understand contemporary political phenomena along with the actuality of her concept of action, intimately linked not only with plurality, but also with contingency and its agonistic character. The study holds that Arendt introduces a "non-technical dimension of politics,"which can also be called" the political, that is of special interest for conceiving the limits of institutional policy and at the same time delineating possible ways to deepen existing democracies ; Fil: Di Pego, Anabella. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (UNLP-CONICET); Argentina.
En este trabajo, nos proponemos poner en diálogo algunas tesis y conceptos de Hannah Arendt con análisis políticos y sociológicos actuales de las transformaciones de los últimos tiempos ante el advenimiento de la "sociedad postradicional", de la globalización y la crisis de la representación y de la política en general. Especialmente procuramos mostrar la relevancia de lo que Arendt denomina "ruptura de la tradición" para comprender fenómenos políticos contemporáneos al mismo tiempo que la actualidad de su concepto de acción íntimamente vinculado no sólo con la pluralidad sino también con la contingencia y el carácter agonal que ésta trae consigo. A partir de esto, sostenemos que Arendt introduce una "dimensión no técnica de la política" -lo que también puede denominarse "lo político"- que resulta de especial interés para pensar los límites de la política institucional y a la vez delinear posibles vías para la profundización de las democracias existentes ; This work proposes putting some theses and concepts of Hannah Arendt into dialogue with current political and sociological analysis of recent transformations in the light of the advent of post-traditional society, globalization and the crisis of representation and politics in general. The study especially strives to show the relevance of what Arendt calls "the break-down of tradition" in order to understand contemporary political phenomena along with the actuality of her concept of action, intimately linked not only with plurality, but also with contingency and its agonistic character. The study holds that Arendt introduces a "non-technical dimension of politics,"which can also be called" the political, that is of special interest for conceiving the limits of institutional policy and at the same time delineating possible ways to deepen existing democracies ; Fil: Di Pego, Anabella. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (UNLP-CONICET); Argentina.
El artículo analiza el alcance del vínculo jurídico político establecido entre Estado y ciudadanas desde las garantías reconocidas en los derechos humanos sexuales y reproductivos. Utilizando un enfoque complejo, que combina diferentes dimensiones de análisis, interesa mostrar cómo y porqué las decisiones sobre la naturaleza jurídica de estos derechos y sobre su regulación política producen efectos disímiles en ese campo: desarrollo, interferencia o limitaciones de ciudadanía. Nuestra argumentación principal refiere al conflicto político que desatan esas decisiones y a los fundamentos antagónicos de las posiciones que los registran como derechos sociales de salud o como derechos individuales de libertad. En esas opciones se involucran con distinta intensidad los componentes constitutivos de la ciudadanía: la autonomía, la libertad y la igualdad. La intención es señalar que tanto el derecho como la política y la teología al fijar las "reglas de juego" en la sociedad buscan disciplinar los intereses existentes regulando el conflicto. ; This article analyses the scope of the judicial and political link between the State and womencitizens, observing this from the guarantees recognized in the sexual and reproductive human rights. Using a complex analysis that combines different dimensions, this article tries to show how and why the decisions about the juridical nature of these rights and about its political regulation cause dissimilar effects: develop, interference or limitation of citizenship. The core of our argumentation is the political conflict that these decisions cause and the antagonist argumentations of the positions that registries them as social health rights or as freedom individuals rights. The problem is that in these options are different forms and ways to understand the constitutive components of citizenship: autonomy, freedom and equality. Finally, we are trying to show that law, politics, and theology fix in society "the rules of the game", trying in this way to discipline existing interests and ...
La utilización de la lengua catalana para imponer una estructura discriminatoria tanto social como política, limita la libertad de los castellano-hablantes en Cataluña. El edificio de dominio construido, a lo largo de veintitrés años, por el Jordi Pujol toma hoy carta sustantiva de naturaleza mediante la imposición de una cultura nacional-catalanista a partir de un falseamiento de la historia como mito fundacional: la derrota militar de 1714 frente a la Casa de Anjou durante la Guerra de Sucesión. Los partidos políticos presentes hoy en la sociedad catalana viven instalados en el llamado "síndrome de Catalunya", sobre todo los denominados de izquierda (el PSC, PSUC (IC) y los herederos más radicales del pujolismo, ERC) y los sindicatos mayoritarios (UGT y CCOO). Muchos miembros del PSC transitan de cargo en cargo, acomplejados e intentando simular lo que nuca pueden llegar ser con el fanatismo colaboracionista de los conversos. ¿Y qué decir del PP? Con Ciudadanos el mapa político catalán cambiará para siempre ; The usage of Catalonian language in order to impose an unequal structure not only social but also political, put borders to Spanish-speakers' freedom. The domination, built during twenty three years by Jordi Pujol, takes nowadays root through the imposition of a national-catalonian culture from a falsification of history as foundational myth: that is, the defeat in 1714 by Anjou House at Succession War. Actual political parties in Catalonian society live inside the called "Catalonia' Syndrome", over all those of left (PSC, PSUC and the most radical inheritors of pujolism, ERC), along with the most meaningful trade unions: UGT and CCOO. Most of the PSC members goes and comes from office to office, got a complex, and pretending to simulate what they can never be with a collaborationist fanaticism of the converted. ¿What about PP? "Citizens, the Party of Citinzenship" will turn forever the political Catalonian map in another different one.
Este paper examina las prácticas de gobernanza de la Unión Europea (UE) y su relación con el diseño institucional que, en última instancia, es el que determina el modelo de funcionamiento democrático de la UE. Para ello se toman como punto de referencia y de análisis los principales actores e instituciones que dirigen el proceso político de la UE y los outputs que producen. El paper muestra que los equilibrios de poder de la UE permiten la adopción de políticas moderadas y cercanas a las preferencias medianas del ciudadano europeo. Sin embargo, la UE también presenta serias deficiencias en su diseño y funcionamiento institucional tales como la limitada existencia de procesos de competición política, la ausencia de rendimientos de cuentas verticales o los excesivos procesos de delegación política. Todo ello limita la legitimidad democrática de la UE. ; This paper examines the governance practices of the European Union (EU) and its relationship with the institutional design, which ultimately, is what determines the model of the democratic functioning of the EU. In order to do this, I will take as a reference point and analysis, the main actors and institutions that drive the EU political process and the outputs they produce. The paper shows that the checks and balances of power in the EU allow adopting moderate and centrist policies which are close to the median preferences of European citizens. However, the EU also has serious shortcomings in its design and institutional performance, such as the virtual absence of processes of political competition, the absence of processes of vertical accountability and excessive processes of political delegation. All these factors limit the EU's democratic legitimacy. ; La recogida de los datos empíricos que se utilizan en esta investigación ha sido financiada por el Ministerio de Educación y Ciencia (Proyecto SEJ2007-61796CPOL).
1. Introduction -- Part I: Theoretical Considerations -- 2. Country variations in networks between municipalities and civil society Anders Lidström -- 3. European local politics: coherence, autonomy, relevance Filipe Teles -- Part II: Comparative Empirical Findings: Power, Authority, Participation and Democracy -- 4. Power to rule: The perception of power and relevance in local state-society networks in Europe Grétar Thór Eythórsson & Eva Marín Hlynsdóttir -- 5. Depoliticizing Policy Making: Do formal Governance Networks silence dissenting voices or provide opportunities for change? Paula Russell -- 6. The notion of democracy among societal actors involved in locals state-society relations Hubert Heinelt & Adam Gendźwiłł -- 7. Between ideology and cooperation: How local politicians perceive their role in state-society relations Björn Egner -- 8. New governance tools at the local level: civil society between local political leaders and the needs of local society Ivan Koprić, Dubravka Jurlina Alibegović, Romea Manojlović Toman, Dario Čepo & Sunčana Slijepčević -- 9. Does Metagovernance Matter? The Nature and Effects of Network Participation by Local Politicians in Local State-Society Relations in Europe Tom Verhelst & Koenraad De Ceuninck -- 10. Partnership in the shadow of hierarchy: the role of municipal authorities in local governance networks Joanna Krukowska & Marta Lackowska -- 11. The democratic quality of non-electoral representation through local state-society relations Karin Fossheim & Hans Vollaard -- 12. Legitimacy claims of societal actors involved in locals state-society relations Deborah Galimberti & Hubert Heinelt -- Part III: Policies and Politics Of Networks -- 13. The unbearable lightness of coherence within local governance arrangements Patrícia Silva & Filipe Teles -- 14. Participation without influence? Perceived influence amongst societal actors representing elderly people and people with disabilities David Feltenius & Linnéa Henrikssons -- 15. Influental European Youth? Linnéa Henriksson & Janette Huttunen -- 16. Organised business and unions in local governance Deborah Galimberti & Detlef Sack -- 17. Patterns of network relevance in local policies Carmen Navarro & Lluis Medir -- 18. Local actions groups and inter-municipal cooperation Alistair Jones, Colin Copus, Jakub Lysek & Joanna Krukowska -- Part IV: Regional and Territorial Differences of Local State-Society Relations -- 19. Many advisory councils at the municipal level: do they add value for participation? Iveta Reinholde, Inese Āboliņa & Malvīne Stučka -- 20. Which networks for which territories Annick Magnier & Marcello Cabria -- 21. The prevalence of low-relevance networks in Central Eastern Europe and the post-communist legacy Jurga Bucaite-Vilke, Jakub Lysek, Dan Rysavy & Aiste Lazauskiene -- 22. Networks between local government and civil society and the arbitrary and idiosyncratic nature of network membership Alistair Jones & Colin Copus.
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The article analyzes the digitalization of public administration and its peculiarities as an instrument of socio-economic changes in Ukraine in the context of European integration, because digital technologies allow us to change the way territorial communities and regions function, increase the level of labor productivity and well-being of the population, and overcome challenges in the field of public administration.
It is discovered that digitalization creates a positive effect not only in public administration, but also in the field of economy, education, and culture, providing the saving in human, financial, and material resources, and promoting the solution of socially significant problems.
It is noted that digitalization, as a process of society's transition to digital technologies in all spheres of public life, forms a more inclusive society and better governance mechanisms and is a tool for achieving Ukraine's strategic goal of increasing GDP by 8 times, up to1 trillion USD in 2030.
It is determined that effective communication between society and public administration is possible only in the context of e-democracy, which involves the use of information technology by citizens, government, political parties at the local and regional levels, and improvement of procedures for providing and receiving public services. An example of e-democracy is the online platform «VzaiemoDiia»(Interaction), which expands the opportunities for citizens to participate in public administration processes, including vulnerable categories of the population, who currently have less opportunity to influence public decisions. Moreover, users will be able to receive high-quality feedback, since the Ministry of Digital Transformation not only collects all communication channels in a single «window» but also analyzes the imperfections to make each communication channel even more effective.
It is substantiated that the digitalization of public administration allows us to increase the amount of open data and strengthen the guarantees of access to publicly available information contained in state and municipal information systems. In fact it changes and transforms social relations, changes the process of performing functions by public authorities, expands their capabilities in making management decisions based on data obtained with the help of the information technology, and in particular in the processes of administration, provision of state and municipal services by citizens in electronic form, the establishment of digital communication channels, artificial intelligence, robotics, the Internet of things, big data analytics, and cloud technologies.
In further research, it is proposed to pay attention to the study of digitalization and digitalization processes in the executive and administrative activities of public administration entities.
Picture of united Europe in the concepts of Italian anti‑fascist opposition members in 1943‑1945
The article presents concepts of united Europe created by representatives of different fractions of the anti‑fascist Italian opposition in the period of the so‑called Resistenza (1943‑1945), with particular focus on the stances of left‑wing groups. The fullest theoretical foundations of federalist concepts created during the Second World War come from the Ventotene Manifesto (the so‑called Manifesto for Free and United Europe), elaborated at the turn of June and July of 1941 by charismatic leaders of Movimento Federalista Europeo – Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi – in collaboration with Eugenio Colorni. Influenced by English federalists from Federal Union, Spinelli and Rossi were pointing to the crisis of a nation state and its results – nationalism, imperialism and fascism. The authors were convinced that the only way to ensure continued peace in Europe was to create a European federation, comprised entirely of democratic states. The idea of the United States of Europe was advocated also by a liberal lawyer and economist, later the Governor of the Bank of Italy and the President of Italy, Luigi Einaudi. In his articles and political writings regularly published from 1918 until the end of the WWII Einaudi criticised the League of Nations as a weak institution lacking in authority and unable to effectively challenge the imperialist tendencies of some of its members. He sought the reasons for this weakness in the very structure of the League of Nations, i.e. in the confederation model. In studies published between 1943 and 1945 the liberal politician emphasised interdependencies between economy and politics. Einaudi identified the idea of a sovereign national state and the doctrine of nationalism as main enemies of the European federalism. Another politician advocating limiting sovereignty of national states in the name of broad solidarity between free European nations was a leader of Christian Democracy and the Prime Minister of Italy between 1945 and 1953 – Alcide De Gasperi. He underlined the significance of cooperation with the United States of America and the United Kingdom of Great Britain in the process of peace‑rebuilding. Unlike Spinelli and Rossi, the leader of Christian Democracy did not support the federation model of integration – De Gasperi placed emphasis on the gradual character of this process and on the need for finding "transitional solutions", similarly to Einaudi, pointing to the significance of the economic aspect.
