Suchergebnisse

Hans Morgenthau's concept of "the national interest" first appeared, somewhat like thunder out of China, in the essay "The Primacy of the National Interest" as part of a forum in the Spring 1949 issue of The American Scholar titled "The National Interest and Moral Principles in Foreign Policy." As William Scheuerman observes, "The concept of the 'national interest' first takes on a special analytic status in this essay." In the essay, the national interest is first presented as a necessary corrective to what Morgenthau had already characterized in Scientific Man vs. Power Politics as legalism, moralism, and sentimentalism in American politics, and as a more effective guide to foreign policy than the American tradition seemed able to provide.

AbstractThis essay explores the extent to which Thailand's secular legal system reinforces the imagined divide, common in Thai Buddhist conceptions of society, between a "worldly" sphere and the "religious" sphere of thesangha(order of monks). It asks: How far does secular Thai law exclude clergy from the "unmonkly" domains of politics and commerce? It shows that there is a striking discrepancy between the systematic way in which secular Thai law has kept monks from formally participating in "politics" and the rather more permissive way in which it has facilitated participation by the monkhood in the sphere of "commerce." The essay concludes with some reflections on this finding and the questions it raises.

Article considers social, cultural and managerial background of study of the politics public sphere. It examines the methodological controversy between the public sphere and the sphere of politics in general. The search for correlations to the public sphere in contemporary social reality has been done ; В статье рассматриваются социальные, культурные и управленческие предпосылки изучения публичной сферы политики. Анализируются методологические противоречия между публичной сферой и сферой политики в целом. Ведется поиск кореллятов публичной сферы в современной социальной реальности. ; У статті розглядаються соціальні, культурні і управлінські передумови вивчення публічної сфери політики. Аналізуються методологічні протиріччя між публічною сферою і сферою політики в цілому. Ведеться пошук корелятів публічної сфери у сучасній соціальній реальності

The image of justice as the triumph of reason over emotion legitimized state power in nineteenth century Germany. The allegorical figure of a serene and blindfolded Justitia embodied a promise of rationality and fairness for all citizens, regardless of politics, class, race or religion. After the turn of the century, however, there was growing dissatisfaction with this ideal of blind and dispassionate justice. A crisis of trust in justice climaxed in the Weimar Republic, when various "scandals" undermined the façade of legal reason and validated a new politics of emotion. This essay looks at two justice affairs, both from the city of Magdeburg, which marked a turning-point in left-liberal attitudes toward justice.

Part of topic : Ambiance, atmosphere, climate: theory, politics and criticism ; International audience ; By focusing on the years after Greece's debt crisis announcement and implementation of austerity measures, this article examines the affective formations that render the project of neoliberalism a necessity. Since neoliberal politics recognise debt crisis as an 'opportunity' for strengthening the state via austerity measures, deregulation and state properties privatisation, deprivation of assets and work becomes an inevitable byproduct suffusing the sense of 'security' and 'protection' with affective value. By investigating indifference as a societal ambience, this presentation questions how the experience of loss and the longing for security met amplifying the further dispossession of the afflicted other.

Pathogens, and antipathogen behavioral strategies, affect myriad aspects of human behavior. Recent findings suggest that antipathogen strategies relate to political attitudes, with more ideologically conservative individuals reporting more disgust toward pathogen cues, and with higher parasite stress nations being, on average, more conservative. However, no research has yet adjudicated between two theoretical accounts proposed to explain these relationships between pathogens and politics. We find that national parasite stress and individual disgust sensitivity relate more strongly to adherence to traditional norms than they relate to support for barriers between social groups. These results suggest that the relationship between pathogens and politics reflects intragroup motivations more than intergroup motivations.

In this article, I address North Korea both in its latent stage and the reframing of its early political narratives to support the function and authority of its current government. These narratives of nationalistic and political struggle expand across geographic boundaries and are also bound by them-hence my focus on the Tumen River. Secondarily, I consider the reframing of riverine spaces within the terrain of Pyongyang's contemporary politics, and recent examples of reenactment for commemorative purposes of historically and politically important crossings of North Korea's northern rivers. Together, these analytic elements suggest the key position of rivers in both the bounding and unbounding of North Korean history, politics, ideology, and nationhood. (Asian Perspect/GIGA)

The ideology and political practise of Solidarity and republican tradition The paper argues that – regardless of neo-Marxist inspirations – many views of Václav Havel, Adam Michnik, or Jacek Kuroń on civil society bear a surprising resemblance to political philosophy of Aristotle or Cicero. This, in turn, makes it possible to argue that Havel's concept of "anti-political politics" is not anti-political at all but to the contrary – political par excellence, if only one adopts a sourcing understanding of politics characteristic for classical republican tradition. Moreover, those republican traces are especially well-visible in both the structure and the way of operating of Polish Solidarity movement.

Theories of deliberation, developed largely in the context of domestic politics, are becoming increasingly relevant for international politics. The recently established Universal Periodic Review (UPR) operating under the auspices of the UN's Human Rights Council is an excellent illustration. Our analysis of responses to its reports and recommendations suggests that the deliberative processes surrounding the UPR do indeed evoke co-operative responses even from countries with poor human rights records. Its highly inclusive, deliberative, repeated-play and peer-to-peer nature can serve as a model for how international organizations more generally can enhance deliberative capacity across the international system. ; Australian Research Council Discovery Project DP120103976.

In the Era of Globalization, human rights has become one of the international political commodities that can be used by international agencies and foreign countries to pressure the regime of a nation. Therefore, Indonesian government as a part of global communities has to establish a legal politics (legal policy) that promotes on the protection of human rights. It is a strategic tool that can be applied for coloring, characterizing, and forming the legal system. This article tries to see the concrete manifestation of the legal politics (legal policy) which has been presented in the form of legal institutions that provide recognition and protection of human rights for the people of Indonesia.

Dr phil. Reyhan Şahin—also known as Lady Bitch Ray—earned her M.A. in Linguistics, German Literature, and Education in 2004 and her doctorate in Linguistics in 2012 at the University of Bremen. Her alter ego, Lady Bitch Ray is a rapper, performer, fashion designer, and author. The following interview introduces Şahin's work as a performer and as an academic and sheds light on the negotiation of feminist politics in a neoliberal context as well as how the complex politics of difference play out in contemporary, digital feminisms in the German-speaking context. By speaking in two voices, the academic and the performer/artist, the interview emphasizes the playful possibilities of the urgently political.

In 2010 Russia and Norway signed a treaty that ended a 40-year dispute by dividing territory in the Barents Sea. Why did this case end in a cooperative agreement rather than continue an on-going dispute? This article examines a number of possible explanations at the international, bilateral, and domestic politics levels to answer this question. Ultimately, it concludes that the 2010 Norway-Russia boundary delimitation agreement succeeded because both sides had a strong economic interest in it, benefitted from the use of international law, had a history of working together at the bilateral level, and were able to manage adroitly the impact of business-state relations and identity politics on the issue.

The majority of British Muslims live in cities such as London, Leicester, Birmingham and Bradford—and academic research thus far has reflected a city and post-manufacturing town emphasis. This paper investigates the as yet undocumented history and mosque politics of Muslims living in the small town of Eastbourne, East Sussex, using participant observation and unstructured and semi-structured interviews. Firstly, I conceptualise my case study group by highlighting some differences found in a small town in terms of the origins of its Muslims, their ethnic heterogeneity, and residential spatial distribution. Secondly, I explore mosque politics in terms of mosque planning, public reactions to mosque rebuilding, and mosque management issues.

AbstractAfter decades of policy learning and adoption of "Western" theories of international politics, the Chinese academic community has (re-)turned to the construction of a "Chinese" theory framework. This article examines the recent academic debates on theory with "Chinese characteristics" and sheds light on their historical and philosophical foundations. It argues that the search for a "Chinese" paradigm of international relations theory is part of China's quest for national identity and global status. As can be concluded from the analysis of these debates, "Chinese" theories of international politics are expected to fulfil two general functions – to safeguard China's national interests and to legitimize the one-party system.

After decades of policy learning and adoption of "Western" theories of international politics, the Chinese academic community has (re-)turned to the construction of a "Chinese" theory framework. This article examines the recent academic debates on theory with "Chinese characteristics" and sheds light on their historical and philosophical foundations. It argues that the search for a "Chinese" paradigm of international relations theory is part of China's quest for national identity and global status. As can be concluded from the analysis of these debates, "Chinese" theories of international politics are expected to fulfil two general functions - to safeguard China's national interests and to legitimize the one-party system. (China Q/GIGA)