Suchergebnisse

<p>Neste artigo, estudam-se as tensões e superposições entre desigualdade e diferença a partir de duas questões complementares: Quando diferenças se tornam politicamente relevantes? Como desigualdades e diferenças se correlacionam? O argumento é desenvolvido, primeiramente, mediante a discussão crítica de três abordagens influentes nos debates acadêmicos e políticos contemporâneos, a saber: o paradigma do reconhecimento-redistribuição, como é desenvolvido por N. Fraser e A. Honneth, a abordagem das desigualdades categoriais de C. Tilly e a abordagem das desigualdades horizontais-verticais de F. Stewart. A despeito de suas divergências, essas três abordagens apresentam uma limitação conceitual comum, que é tratar diferenças dinâmicas como categorias binárias e fixas: brancos-negros, homens-mulheres, mestiços-indígenas, etc. Para superar esse déficit, com base no conceito de articulação, desenvolve-se uma matriz analítica segundo a qual diferenças representam posicionalidades ou lugares de enunciação no âmbito de relações sociais hierárquicas. O nexo entre diferenças e desigualdades é ilustrado por meio da articulação recente dos quilombolas no Brasil.</p><p><strong>INEQUALITY, DIFFERENCE, ARTICULATION </strong></p><p>This article studies the tensions and overlaps between inequality and difference starting from two complementary questions: When do differences become politically relevant? How do inequalities and differences correlate? The argument is first developed through a critical discussion of three influential approaches in contemporary academic and political debates: the recognition-redistribution paradigm, as developed by N. Fraser and A. Honneth, the categorical inequalities approach of C. Tilly and the horizontal-vertical inequalities approach of F. Stewart. In spite of their divergences, these three approaches present a common conceptual limitation, which is to treat dynamic differences as binary and fixed categories: black-whites, menwomen, mestizos-indigenous, etc. To overcome this deficit, I develop in the present article, starting from the concept of articulation, an analytical matrix according to which differences represent positionalities or sites of enunciation within hierarchical social relations. The nexus between differences and inequalities is illustrated by the recent articulation of the quilombolas in Brazil.</p><p>Key words: Difference. Inequality. Articulation. Positionality. Quilombolas.</p><p><strong>INÉGALITÉ, DIFFÉRENCE, ARTICULATION </strong></p><p>Cet article étudie les tensions et les chevauchements entre inégalités et différences à partir de deux questions complémentaires: Quand les différences deviennent-elles politiquement pertinentes? Quel est la corrélation entre les inégalités et les différences? L'argument est d'abord développé à travers une discussion critique de trois approches influentes dans les débats académiques et politiques contemporains: le paradigme reconnaissanceredistribution, tel que développé par N. Fraser et A. Honneth, l'approche d'inégalité catégorielle de C. Tilly et l'approche des inégalités horizontaleverticale de F. Stewart. Malgré leurs divergences, ces trois approches présentent une limitation conceptuelle commune, qui consiste à traiter les différences dynamiques comme catégories binaires et fixes: blanc-noir, hommes-femmes, métis-indigènes, etc. Pour surmonter ce déficit, le présent article développe, à partir du concept d'articulation, une matrice analytique selon laquelle les différences représentent des positionalités ou des sites d'énonciation dans des relations sociales hiérarchisées. Le lien entre les différences et les inégalités est illustré par la récente articulation des quilombolas au Brésil.</p><p>Mots-clés: Différence. Inégalité. Articulation. Positionnalité. Quilombolas.</p>

Chinatowns, often considered exotic touristic centers, otherness places, or ethnical enclaves where difference proliferates, are also global raids which evince as social movements as complex urban meanings of world cities. The migration processes from 19th century encouraged the creation of global nodes, which made urban systems interconnected in political, economic, social, cultural, and touristic fields. In this article the cultural and economic incidence is analyzed in the concept of Chinatowns in three world cities: New York, Buenos Aires, and Lisbon. Through an analysis of three variables of interest: the cultural, touristic, and economic aspects, migration data are considered and its impact in the formation of urban enclaves, evaluating advantages and its possible consequences in the social field in formation of attractive neighborhoods for tourism, keeping in mind location of commercial businesses and clusters which support ethnical economy, through the use of tools of spatial analysis. Thus, it is evinced that Chinatowns are formed as representations of social, economic, and cultural development. ; Los barrios chinos, a menudo considerados centros turísticos exóticos, sitios de alteridad o enclaves étnicos donde prolifera la diferencia, son también incursiones globales que evidencian tanto los movimientos sociales transnacionales como los complejos significados urbanos de las ciudades mundiales. La migración masiva de millones de chinos en todo el mundo desde mediados del siglo XIX ha fomentado la creación de puntos de contacto entre las principales ciudades del mundo, generando sistemas urbanos interconectados en ámbitos políticos, económicos, sociales, culturales y turísticos.En este artículo se analizará la incidencia cultural y económica en la concepción de barrios chinos como sitios turísticos y nodos transnacionales en las ciudades globales, haciendo especial énfasis en el caso latinoamericano y determinando la importancia de estos enclaves en la construcción de globalidad y cosmopolitismo en el siglo XXI. La metodología usada comprende un análisis de las tres variables de interés: la cultura, mediante el estudio de datos migratorios y la forma de espacializar estos enclaves a nivel urbano, el turismo y sus posibles consecuencias a nivel social y la economía. Para este último aspecto, se escogen 3 estudios de caso, Nueva York, Buenos Aires y Lisboa y se realiza un análisis de la localización de actividades comerciales y clusters que apoyan la economía étnica mediante el uso de herramientas de análisis espacial. ; Os bairros chineses, frequentemente considerados centros turísticos exóticos, locais de alteridade ou enclaves étnicos onde a diferença se prolifera, também são incursões globais que destacam tanto os movimentos sociais transnacionais como os complexos significados urbanos das cidades do mundo. Os processos migratórios desde o século XIX incentivaram a criação de nodos globais, que geraram sistemas urbanos interconectados nas esferas políticas, econômicas, sociais, culturais e turísticas. Neste artigo se analisará o impacto cultural e econômico na concepção de bairros chineses em três cidades globais: Nova York, Buenos Aires e Lisboa. Por meio de uma análise de três variáveis de interesse: o aspecto cultural, turístico e o econômico, foram considerados dados migratórios e seu impacto na formação de enclaves urbanos, avaliando as vantagens e possíveis consequências na esfera social da formação de bairros atrativos para o turismo, levando em consideração a localização de atividades comerciais e clusters que apoiam à economia étnica, por meio do uso de ferramentas de análise espacial. Assim, é evidente que os bairros chineses são modelados como representações do desenvolvimento social, econômico e cultural.

Introduction. Modern Ukraine is experiencing a complex and responsible stage of its development. It is conditioned by the emergence of new threats and challenges to the national security of our country, which require resolute answers. In this context, science occupies an important place. It is obliged to clearly define the status of Ukrainian society, to substantiate the main directions of its modernization, which will promote social progress.Purpose. Therefore, the purpose of the article is to determine the status of Ukrainian society, to clarify the content of a number of concepts concerning the newly independent states, to justify the ways and directions of modernization of Ukraine.Methods. The application of general scientific and special methods during the study of Ukraine is conditioned by the specifics of post-colonial states as a complex social phenomenon.Results. We have found that after the achievement of political independence, the metropolitan traits (for Ukraine – Soviet, communist, socialist, totalitarian, etc.) cannot automatically move to the characteristics of the newly created countries. At the forefront should come signs that adequately reflect the status of the state, both before and after the proclamation of independence. Therefore, Ukraine is a typical post-colonial state.Originality. The real status of Ukraine as a post-colonial state is determined for the first time in the national scientific tradition. Views on the genesis of post-colonial states have gained further development, drawing on the historical practice of Ukrainian state building. A number of concepts related to these states are specified.Conclusion. It is proved that modern Ukraine needs a holistic concept of modernization of all spheres of society's life. First of all, it needs the deep reformation of education and science in the interests of defense. The core of reform should be the military sphere. As a result of military reform, a "new model of the Armed Forces of Ukraine" should appear; new approaches to the Russian-Ukrainian war should emerge. This requires further scientific research of problems related to the modernization of Ukrainian society in general and the reform of the educational and scientific space of Ukraine in particular. ; Целью статьи является исследование сущности, генезиса и возможностей Украины как нового независимого государства в современном глобализированном мире. Для этого применялись общенаучные и специальные методы исследования. Определено, что, на сегодня, наше государство находится в особом состоянии. Только правильно определив это состояние, мы сможем выйти на путь социального прогресса. Обосновывается, что без помощи научных исследований, сделать это практически невозможно. В статье уточнено содержание отдельных понятий, получили дальнейшее развитие взгляды относительно их применения в модернизационном процессе. Современная российско-украинская войны и стремление Украины вступить в НАТО выдвигают новые требования к возможностям украинского общества. Это выдвигает требование дальнейших научных исследований, связанных с модернизацией украинского общества в целом и реформированием образовательного и научного пространства Украины в частности. ; Метою статті є дослідження сутності, ґенези та можливостей України як нової незалежної держави в сучасному глобалізованому світі. Для цього застосовувалися загальнонаукові та спеціальні методи дослідження. Визначено, що наша держава перебуває сьогодні в особливому стані. Лише правильно визначивши цей стан, ми зможемо вийти на шлях соціального прогресу. Обґрунтовується, що без допомоги наукових досліджень зробити це практично неможливо. У статті уточнено зміст окремих понять, набули подальшого розвитку погляди щодо їхнього застосування в модернізаційному процесі. Сучасна російсько-українська війни та прагнення України вступити до НАТО висувають нові вимоги до можливостей українського суспільства. Зазначене потребує подальших наукових досліджень, пов'язаних з модернізацією українського суспільства загалом і реформуванням освітнього та наукового простору України зокрема.

This article aims to analyze the role of the Anti Riots Mobile Squad (Esmad in its Spanish initials) in the Colombian postagreement. Considering the scenario of a demobilized FARC, civic and social demonstrations have become one of the main mechanisms for processing conflicts and demanding compliance with their constitutional obligations to the government. In this context is where some questioning towards the Esmad and the social transition towards the post-agreement emerges. For this purpose, this article is performed under the institutionalist approach of the political theory through a qualitative and document-oriented research approach and an interpretative level, with aims towards analyzing the role this squad is going to perform in the post-agreement. The Havana peace agreements, the politic control debates regarding this matters in the Colombian Congress, the research works from the Popular Education research Center (Cinep in Spanish) and some theories and conflict-analysis made by experts such as Ariel Ávila, Francisco Leal Buitrago and Edwin Cruz Rodríguez are considered in this document. Finally, some conclusions about a desirable future for the Anti-riot forces in the Colombian post-agreement are shared. ; El presente texto tiene el objetivo de analizar el papel que el Escuadrón Móvil Antidisturbios (Esmad) cumplirá en el pos-acuerdo en Colombia. Considerando el escenario de las FARC desmovilizadas, las protestas civiles y sociales comienzan a ser uno de los principales mecanismos para tramitar los conflictos y exigirle al gobierno el cumplimiento de sus principios constitucionales. En este contexto, surgen los cuestionamientos hacia el Esmad y su rol en la transición social hacia el posacuerdo. Para tal fin, este artículo se desarrolla a partir del enfoque institucionalista de la teoría política, a través de una investigación cualitativa de tipo documental y de nivel interpretativo, con el ánimo de analizar el rol que este escuadrón cumplirá en el posacuerdo. En el desarrollo de este documento se consideran los acuerdos de paz de La Habana, los debates de control político en el Congreso de la República relacionados con el tema, trabajos del Centro de Investigación y Educación Popular (Cinep) y algunas teorías y análisis de conflictólologos y de expertos en temas de seguridad y paz, tales como Ariel Ávila, Francisco Leal Buitrago y Edwin Cruz Rodríguez. Finalmente, se brindan conclusiones sobre el futuro que deberían tener los antidisturbios en la Colombia del posacuerdo. ; Este texto tem o objetivo de analisar o papel do Esquadrão Móvel Antidistúrbios (Esmad) no contexto de pós-acordo de paz na Colômbia. Tendo em vista o cenário de desmobilização das Forças Armadas Revolucionárias da Colômbia (Farc), os protestos civis e sociais começam a ser um dos principais mecanismos para tramitar os conflitos e exigir do governo o cumprimento de seus princípios constitucionais. Nesse contexto, surgem os questionamentos sobre o Esmad e seu papel na transição social no pós-acordo. Para isso, este artigo desenvolve, a partir da abordagem institucionalista da teoria política, por meio de uma pesquisa qualitativa de tipo documental e de nível interpretativo, a fim de analisar o papel que o Esmad desempenhará no pósacordo. No desenvolvimento deste documento, são considerados os acordos de paz de La Habana, Cuba, os debates de controle político no Congresso da República, relacionados com a temática, os trabalhos do Centro de Pesquisa e Educação Popular e algumas teorias e análises de especialistas em conflitos e em segurança e paz, como Ariel Ávila, Francisco Leal Buitrago e Edwin Cruz Rodríguez. Por último, são apresentadas conclusões sobre o futuro que deveria ter esse tipo de organismo antidistúrbio na Colômbia do pós-acordo.

Поступила в редакцию 12.07.2018. Принята к печати 18.04.2019. ; Submitted on 12 July, 2018. Accepted on 18 April, 2019. ; В статье рассмотрены особенности трансформации жанра фельетона в послереволюционном газетном дискурсе. Объектом исследования стали фельетоны П. Я. Блиновского, завоевавшего популярность в екатеринбургской прессе еще до революции 1917 г., а после революции печатавшего фельетоны в газетах «Уральский рабочий», «Уральская новь» и приложениях к ним. В статье исследованы особенности создания образа лирического героя фельетонов, художественные приемы, которыми пользуется фельетонист в послереволюционном творчестве в сравнении с предреволюционным. Творческая деятельность Блиновского показана в контексте его биографии, для чего привлекаются архивные данные: прослежен насыщенный событиями жизненный и творческий путь Блиновского в 1914–1922 гг. Блиновский делает попытку вернуться к своему читателю, но на новом историческом этапе, избирая новый псевдоним, меняя художественный язык. Неизменным при этом остается требование практической пользы фельетона. В советское время творческий опыт Блиновского в качестве автора фельетонов в «Уральском рабочем» был забыт. В то же время эти тексты могут служить примером использования дореволюционных художественных приемов в прессе 1920-х гг. Опыт П. Я. Блиновского был редким для екатеринбургских газет этого времени, его стихотворные тексты были востребованы и до, и после революции 1917 г. в газетах, придерживавшихся различных политических программ. При этом его стихотворные фельетоны сохраняли актуальность для современного им читателя, одновременно смягчая переживание травматичного опыта перехода к новой социально-политической системе. Поэтому особенности приспособления фельетонного художественного языка к новым реалиям советской прессы должны быть изучены достаточно подробно. ; This article considers features of the transformation of the feuilleton genre within postrevolutionary newspaper discourse. The author examines feuilletons by P. Ya. Blinovsky, who gained popularity with the Yekaterinburg press before the Revolution of 1917 and published articles in the newspapers Uralsky Rabochiy, Uralskaya Nov' and their supplements after the Revolution. The article studies the features underlying the image of the persona of feuilletons, the artistic techniques used by the feuilletonist in his postrevolutionary creative work as compared to his prerevolutionary works. Blinovsky's creative activity is shown in the context of his biography, for which the author considers archival data: the life and creative path of Blinovsky between 1914 and 1922 which was full of activity both on the personal and creative levels. Blinovsky attempts to return to his reader, but at a new historical stage, choosing a new pseudonym, changing his artistic language. The demand for the practical use of the feuilleton remains unchanged. During the Soviet era, the creative experience of feuilletonists was not studied enough, Blinovsky's experience as an author of feuilletons in Uralsky Rabochiy was forgotten. Nevertheless, Blinovsky's poetic feuilletons can serve as an example of the use of pre-revolutionary artistic techniques in the Soviet era. The experience of P. Ya. Blinovsky was rare for the Yekaterinburg press, his poetic texts were in demand both before and after the Revolution of 1917 in newspapers that adhered to various political programmes. At the same time, his poetic feuilletons remained relevant for the contemporaries, while at the same time alleviating the experience of the traumatic transition to a new sociopolitical system. Therefore, the features of adaptation of the artistic language of the feuilleton to the new realities of the Soviet press should be studied in detail. ; Статья подготовлена в рамках проекта РГНФ «На границе литературы и факта: языки самоописания в периодической печати Урала и Северного Приуралья XIX — первой трети ХХ века» № 16-04-00118а. ; The study was financially supported by the Russian Foundation for Humanities, project no. 16-04-00118а "On the Border of Literature and Fact: The Languages of Selfdescription in the Periodical Press of the Urals and the Northern Urals of the 19th — First Third of the 20th Centuries".

There were many English artists in France between 1919 and 1939. Yet this has been neglected. This project will do explore the English presence on the Parisian artistic scene and the reception of English artists by their French counterparts.After the First World War, artists came from the entire world to Paris. It became the main European artistic centre during the interwar period, where several artistic movements developed. Some of these artists came from Southern and Eastern Europe, often for social, religious and political issues.Paris attracted more and more artists who joined those who had been there since the beginning of the 20th Century – Pablo Picasso, Georges Braque or Henri Matisse, among others. At the same time, the artistic centre of Paris moved from Montmartre to Montparnasse, which gathered the Italian Amedeo Modigliani, the Swiss Alberto Giacometti, the Spanish Salvador Dali, the Russian Chaïm Soutine, the Belarusian Marc Chagall or even the Romanian Constantin Brancusi. Some artists preferred the appeal of the New World and joined Marcel Duchamp in New York, although relatively few American artists moved to Paris. French scholars have taken an interest in the period: the Franco-Russian artistic cooperation in Paris has been recently analysed by Tatiana Trankvillitskaia, while the Belgian presence is being studied by Céline De Potter.However, English artists in Paris have yet to be studied. Their contribution to artistic life or the impact of Paris on the English art at that time have been neglected by French historians.This current project traces the details of that English presence in France during the interwar years: who were the artists that came over? What was their subject matter? What kind of works did they produce? What were their relationships both with the artistic milieu and the Parisian public? What was the impact of French works on English art? The goal is to define the place of English artists within the "École de Paris." Who were they and what were they attracted to? ; Après la Première Guerre mondiale, des artistes affluent du monde entier vers la France, en particulier vers Paris, qui devient le principal foyer artistique européen durant l'entre-deux-guerres et qui voit se développer des courants mêlant tradition et avant-garde. C'est à cette période qu'immigrent de nombreux artistes originaires des pays du sud et de l'est de l'Europe (surtout pour des raisons sociales, religieuses et politiques, conséquences, notamment, des pogroms juifs et de la révolution russe). Paris, phare culturel du monde à l'époque, attire de plus en plus d'artistes qui rejoignent ceux déjà présents depuis le début du XXème siècle, tels Picasso, Braque ou Matisse. Entre temps, le centre artistique de la ville a migré du quartier de Montmartre vers celui de Montparnasse, qui compte parmi les artistes les plus représentatifs l'italien Modigliani, le suisse Giacometti, l'espagnol Dali, le russe Soutine, le biélorusse Chagall, ou encore le roumain Brancusi.Certains sont plus attirés par le Nouveau Monde et rejoignent Duchamp à New York, tandis que peu d'artistes américains émigrent vers Paris : ce sont plutôt des écrivains américains qui font le voyage inverse et s'installent dans la Ville Lumière (on pense à Ernest Hemingway ou Ezra Pound). Mais qu'en est-il des artistes anglais à Paris ? C'est le sujet de notre travail de recherche : qui sont, précisément, les artistes qui migrent ? Quelles sont leurs motivations ? Quel type d'œuvres ont-ils produit ? Quelles ont été leurs relations avec le milieu artistique et le public parisiens ? Quels échanges franco-anglais sont issus de cette présence anglaise en France ?

The investigation develops an analysis of the tax on the exit of foreign currency and its impact on capital flight; for which the application of the Foreign Currency Exit Tax (ISD) in Ecuador is explained and developed, as well as determining the outflow of capital abroad since the ISD was introduced as a regulatory measure for this tax. Then, based on the foregoing, it is determined that the collection of this tax amounts began in 2008, as well as the flight of the country's money in more than $ 170,129 million in USD. The approximate figure is a calculation made based on the tax collected in 2017. The relationship between the application of ISD and capital flight is established, when analyzing the GDP versus the capital flight effectively exists. For this purpose, the flight of capital abroad (A), Imports (B), Remittances sent (C), Foreign direct investment, net outflows (BDP, USD at current prices) (D), Annual GDP (E) are exposed as important variables. Approximate capital flight F (+ ABCD), and % relative to GDP G (F / E). It is also verified that the fulfillment of the objective of the creation of the Foreign Exchange Tax, maintaining a margin of decrease of 0.66 in 2012, therefore, the outflow of capital is considered undesirable, and is often the result of political or economic instability , meaning that asset flight occurs when foreign and domestic investors sell their holdings in a particular country due to the perception of weakness in the nation's economy and the belief that there are better opportunities abroad. Finally, strategies are proposed to mitigate the evasion of Foreign Currency Exit Tax (ISD) to possibly fiscal paradise; focused on optimizing the control of mechanisms that generate the tax and reducing the outflow of foreign currency through transfers, withdrawals or payments. ; La investigación desarrolla un análisis del impuesto a la salida de divisas y su impacto en la fuga de capitales al exterior; para lo cual se explica la aplicación del Impuesto a Salida de Divisas (ISD) en el Ecuador, asimismo, se determina la salida de capitales al exterior desde que se implantó el ISD como medida regulatoria este impuesto. Entonces, basado en lo anterior, se determina los montos de recaudación desde el año 2008 así como la fuga de dinero del país en más de $170.129 millones en USD; siendo la cifra aproximada un cálculo realizado basado en el impuesto recaudado. Se establece la relación entre la aplicación de ISD en la fuga de capitales, analizando el PIB versus la fuga del capital que existe; para ello se expone como variables importantes la Salida de capitales al exterior (A), Importaciones (B), Remesas Enviadas (C), Inversión extranjera directa, salidas netas (BDP, USD a precios actuales) (D), PIB Anual (E), Fuga de capitales aproximado F (+A-B-C-D), y % en relación al PIB G (F/E). También se verificar que el cumplimiento del objetivo de la creación del Impuesto a la Salida de Divisas manteniendo un margen de disminución de 0.66 al año 2012 por ende, la salida de capital se considera indeseable, y a menudo es el resultado de la inestabilidad política o económica, es decir que la fuga de activos ocurre cuando los inversionistas extranjeros y nacionales venden sus tenencias en un país en particular debido a la percepción de debilidad en la economía de la nación y la creencia de que existen mejores oportunidades en el exterior. Finalmente, se propone estrategias que permitan mitigar la evasión del Impuesto a Salida de Divisas (ISD); enfocado a optimizar los mecanismos de control que generen el gravamen y reducción de la salida de divisas sea a través de transferencias, retiros o pagos.

In addition to his literary inventiveness, the author´s experience as a painter is also combined in this intriguing novel in order to offer the readership a "pictorial fiction" where art and reality converge to shape a hallucinating world.Marc Douanier, an art expert, is sent to San Salvador by a Parisian auctioneer with the purpose of purchasing the work of a local artist that has been internationally qualified as a "master expression of the fantastic realism of the new world" and it´s being sought after by well-known art galleries, museums and private collections that rapidly increase its money value.To accomplish his mission, the art expert has to avoid odd situations like falsified and stolen pieces of art, and the work of secret sects that make his task even more difficult. On top of that, the home country of the artist is undergoing a political and social convulsion that reminds him of the historic French Revolution, which happened to affect deeply his own land centuries ago.Marc Douanier has a special assignment: buying a painting by the Salvadorian artist to be included in the collection of the Louvre Museum, nonetheless, he first has to solve a mystery: why are the paintings blank? where have the characters gone? are they running away from their canvas prison to follow the people who struggle to break free from an oppressive system?Benjamín Cañas´motto "I paint reality the way I imagine it" is painting these pages and his pictorial characters turn to life in the walls of this novel. "Benjamín Cañas was a virtuoso, an unprecedented reflexive painter who left a legacy to the Latin American art and the world."--Bélgica Rodríguez, Director for the Museo de Arte de las Américas, Washington, D.C., EUA, (1988-1994). ; En esta intrigante novela el autor combina su experiencia de pintor con su inventiva literaria para ofrecernos una "ficción pictórica", en que la realidad y el arte convergen formando un mundo alucinante.Un experto en arte, Marc Douanier, es enviado a San Salvador por una subastadora de París para adquirir la obra de un artista local, que la crítica internacional califica como "magistral expresión del realismo fantástico del nuevo mundo" y está siendo solicitada por importantes galerías, museos y colecciones privadas que incrementan rápidamente su valor monetario.Para llevar a cabo su misión el experto debe sortear situaciones extrañas como pinturas robadas y falsificadas, y sectas secretas que dificultan su tarea, encima de que el país del artista se encuentra en una convulsión política y social que le recuerda la histórica revolución francesa que conmocionó a su propia tierra hace siglos.Marc Douanier trae el especial encargo de comprar una pintura del artista salvadoreño para la colección del Museo de Louvre, pero antes debe resolver un misterio: ¿Por qué los cuadros quedan en blanco? ¿Qué sucede con los personajes de las pinturas? ¿Se escapan ellos de su prisión de colores siguiendo al pueblo que lucha por liberarse de un opresivo sistema?El lema de Benjamín Cañas "Pinto la realidad como yo la imagino" colorea estas páginas, y sus personajes pictóricos cobran vida en este mural novelesco. "Benjamín Cañas fue un virtuoso, un pintor inédito, reflexivo, que dejó una herencia al arte latinoamericano y al mundo." –Bélgica Rodríguez, Directora del Museo de Arte de las Américas, Washington DC, EEUU, (1988-1994).

У статті розглянуто сутність визначення кадрова безпека. Не існує єдиного визначення цьому поняттю, тому нами було запропоновано власне трактування терміну «Кадрова безпека».Особливу увагу приділено дослідженню макроекономічним умовам забезпечення кадрової безпеки українських підприємств. Визначено вплив зовнішніх та внутрішніх загроз підприємств. Розглянуто масштаби міграційних процесів на фоні погіршення демографічної ситуації. Узагальнено показники, які характеризують ситуацію на ринку праці.Кадрова безпека розглядається нами як основний структурний елемент економічної безпеки підприємства, який впливає на всю її діяльність. Безпека підприємства залежить від різних обставин. Макроекономічні показники, а саме: економічні кризи, інфляція, міждержавні конфлікти та зміни політичної ситуації виступають як результати впливу на стан кадрової безпеки українських підприємств і формують їх конкурентоспроможність в стратегічній перспективі. Збиток може бути завдано в результаті стихійних лих, несприятливої економічної політики держави, непередбачуваних змін кон'юнктури ринку, недобросовісних дій конкурентів, невиконання контрагентами зобов'язань по оплаті договорів, а також протиправними діями співробітників.Кадрова безпека спрямована на запобігання та усунення загроз і ризиків, що пов'язані із діяльністю персоналу. Саме тому, кадрова безпека займає на підприємстві пріоритетне місце в забезпеченні безпеки в цілому (по відношенню до інших складових).Проаналізована комплексна характеристика умов кадрової безпеки українських підприємств та показники, які характеризують макроекономічні умови, що впливають на кадрову безпеку окремих підприємств. Визначено загрози кадровій безпеці на ринку праці та у зв'язку з системними проблемами на самих підприємствах та ключові стратегічні завдання українських підприємств у контексті підвищення рівня їх кадрової безпеки. Сформовано пропозиції щодо удосконалення розвитку кадрового потенціалу підприємства у контексті підвищення рівня його безпеки. ; The article considers the essence of the definition of personnel security. There is no single definition for this concept, therefore we have offered our own interpretation of the term "Personnel Security".Particular attention is paid to the study of the macroeconomic conditions of personnel security of Ukrainian enterprises. The influence of external and internal threats of enterprises is determined. The scale of migration processes is considered on the background of deterioration of the demographic situation. The indicators characterizing the situation on the labor market are generalized.Personnel security is considered by us as the main structural element of the company's economic security, which affects all of its activities. The security of a company depends on different circumstances. Macroeconomic indicators, namely: economic crises, inflation, interstate conflicts and changes in the political situation are the results of the impact on the state of personnel security of Ukrainian enterprises and shape their competitiveness in the strategic perspective. The damage may be caused by natural disasters, unfavorable economic policies of the state, unpredictable changes in the market situation, unfair actions by competitors, failure by contractors to pay contracts, as well as unlawful actions of employees.Personnel security is sent to prevention and removal of threats and risks that is related to activity of personnel. That is why, personnel security occupies a priority place in the enterprise in ensuring security in general (in relation to other components).The complex description of the conditions of personnel security of Ukrainian enterprises and indicators characterizing macroeconomic conditions influencing personnel security of individual enterprises are analyzed. The threats to human security in the labor market and in connection with systemic problems at enterprises and the key strategic objectives of Ukrainian enterprises in the context of raising the level of their personnel security have been identified. The proposals on improving the human resources development of the enterprise in the context of raising its level of security have been formed.

У статті висвітлюються основні етапи здобуття незалежності Індонезії та особливості дипломатії індонезійських лідерів на шляху до незалежності. Аналізується позиція ООН під час війни за незалежність Індонезії, а саме здійснено комплексний аналіз засідань Ради Безпеки ООН на яких розглядалось індонезійське питання. Також аналізується роль представників Української РСР у вирішенні даного питання. А саме, охарактеризовано діяльність Д. З. Мануїльського на засіданнях Ради Безпеки ООН під час обговорення війни в Індонезії. Зроблено висновок про те, що саме за посередництва ООН вдалося припинити війну в Індонезії. ; In the article covers the main stages of gaining independence of Indonesia and the peculiarities of the diplomacy of the Indonesian leaders on the path to independence. The position of the United Nations during the Indonesian Independence War is analyzed, in particular, a comprehensive analysis of the UN Security Council's deliberations on the Indonesian issue was carried out.The main thesis of the article is to determine the position of the United Nations during the Indonesian Independence War and to explore the participation of this international organization in the peaceful settlement of the Indonesian-Dutch conflict.The role of representatives of the Ukrainian SSR in solving this issue is analyzed also. Namely, the characterization of D. Z. Manuilsky at meetings of the UN Security Council during the discussion of the war in Indonesia.The scientific novelty is that the historical aspect of UN involvement in the Indonesia-Netherlands conflict has been explored for the first time, since most of the work is written by lawyers or political scientists who, due to the specifics of their research, did not cover the historical aspects to the full extent.In the course of the research, we came to the conclusion, that as a result of the Second World War, Indonesia is witnessing an increase in the national liberation movement against colonial rule. Indonesia's struggle for independence has become a real challenge for both the United Nations and the international community as a whole. From the first days of the military confrontation, the UN tried to call on both parties to cease fire and peacefully resolve the conflict. During 1946-1949, the Indonesian question became the subject of discussion both at the meetings of the UN Security Council and at the meetings of the UN General Assembly. For detailed information on military operations in Indonesia, the UN Security Council created a Consultative Commission on Good Services, which became the main source of information from the Security Council on the situation in the region. It was through the mediation of the UN managed to put an end to the war in Indonesia. In March 1949, the US Congress freezes aid to the Netherlands for the Marshall Plan, the United States and Britain impose an arms embargo, Australia, New Zealand and India announce a complete boycott of Netherlands goods. Having succumbed to international condemnation and realizing the apparent lack ofprospect of a military campaign under the prevailing conditions, in May 1949, the Government of the Netherlands agreed to peace talks under UN mediation.At the insistence of the United Nations, the Netherlands recognized the independence of this country. On December 27, 1949, the Queen of the Netherlands, Julian, signed the decision to grant sovereignty to the United States of Indonesia, which led Indonesia to become an independent state. The Netherlands-Indonesia Union went into oblivion. On September 28, 1950, Indonesia became a member of the United Nations. As its official foreign policy platform, Indonesia proclaimed a policy of non-joining military blocs.

The hypothesis of this research was that these states never had a rich level of strategic partner- ship (despite the officially proclaimed status), but always remained a sort of "negative strate- gic dependence" because of the high level of asymmetry in their relations. I. Zhovkva proved that the attribute of strategic partnership is community of strategic interests without its further reflections existing relations are superfluous. G. Perepelytsia marked that scientists must dis- tinguish two definitions of strategic partnership – as a level of the attained cooperation and as an instrument of state foreign policy. In the given article strategic partnership is examined in two measures. The first part is sanctified to the use of the concept of strategic partnership in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation (on the example of Ukraine), and second to accordance of level of their cooperation proclaimed strategic partnership. After 1991, the goal of Moscow was 'a friendly and neutral Ukraine.' The relations were built primarily on an economic basis, but even then Russia widely used a ban on the import of some goods as a political instrument. After 2004, problems in Russian-Ukrainian relations related to the Russian military base in Crimea and the basing of the Russian Black Sea Fleet aggravated. Kremlin tried to destruct Ukraine rather than let it go its own way these witnessed against the contemporary concept of strategic partnership, which was the foundation of Russian politics towards Ukraine. Rather, the RF used very old policy of 'stick and carrot' (low gas prices and other economic preferences as the carrot, responsibility for 'compatriots' as the stick). The Treaty on Friendship, Coopera- tion, and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation was denounced as well as all Russian-Ukrainian agreements on the Black Sea Fleet, so, the RF itself refuses from using 'strategic partnership' as instrument of its policy towards Ukraine. ; W artykule postawiono hipotezę, że partnerstwo strategiczne Rosji i Ukrainy nigdy nie znajdowało się na wysokim poziomie (wbrew oficjalnie głoszonej wersji), będąc raczej – z powodu wysokiego poziomu asymetrii w ich relacjach – swego rodzaju "negatywną zależnością strategiczną". I. Żowkwa twierdzi, że atrybutem partnerstwa strategicznego jest wspólnota interesów strategicznych, a relacje które nie stanowią odzwierciedlenia takiej wspólnoty są zbędne. G. Perepelytsia podkreśla, że naukowcy muszą rozróżnić dwie definicje partnerstwa strategicznego – jako poziom osiągniętej współpracy i jako instrument polityki zagranicznej państwa. Artykuł analizuje dwa aspekty partnerstwa strategicznego. Pierwsza część poświęcona jest wykorzystaniu koncepcji partnerstwa strategicznego w polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej (na przykładzie Ukrainy), a druga – poziomowi współpracy deklarowanej jako partnerstwo strategiczne. Po 1991 roku celem Moskwy była "przyjazna i neutralna Ukraina". Relacje budowano przede wszystkim w dziedzinie gospodarczej, ale nawet wówczas Rosja intensywnie stosowała instrument polityczny w postaci zakazu importu niektórych towarów. Po 2004 r. relacje rosyjsko-ukraińskie zaostrzyły się w związku z rosyjską bazą wojskową zlokalizowaną na Krymie i stacjonowaniem rosyjskiej floty czarnomorskiej. Kreml był gotów raczej zniszczyć Ukrainę, niż pozwolić jej wybrać własną drogę, co zaprzeczało współczesnej koncepcji partnerstwa strategicznego, będącej fundamentem rosyjskiej polityki wobec Ukrainy. Zamiast tego Federacja Rosyjska zastosowała politykę "kija i marchewki" (niskie ceny gazu i inne preferencje ekonomiczne jako marchewkę, odpowiedzialność za "rodaków" jako kij). Traktat o przyjaźni, współpracy i partnerstwie pomiędzy Federacją Rosyjską i Ukrainą został wypowiedziany, tak samo jak i wszystkie porozumienia dotyczące Floty Czarnomorskiej, tym samym więc, Rosja nie chce posługiwać się formą "partnerstwa strategicznego" jako instrumentem swojej polityki wobec Ukrainy.

Si asumimos que los animales tienen agencia moral, entonces debemos también asumir la obligación de reconocerles derechos morales y derechos legales, tal y como defienden Donaldson y Kymlicka, al menos a aquellos con los que compartimos un espacio y una comunidad política como co-ciudadanos. En consecuencia, es preciso examinar desde un punto de vista moral y legal en qué condiciones (si las hay) resultaría ético beneficiarse del trabajo de los animales, como parte del cumplimiento de sus obligaciones en tanto que ciudadanos y si esto es así, cómo deben ser las condiciones de sus contratos de trabajo. La cuestión no es fácil porque el derecho laboral siempre ha presumido la autonomía de la voluntad de los trabajadores a la hora de firmar un contrato de trabajo (cosa que hoy es también dudosa); la debilidad de esta presunción se contrapesaba con un conjunto de derechos laborales, de derechos en el puesto de trabajo, fuertes. Esto que podría asumirse para algunos animales (como los perros guía) es rechazado por el abolicionismo de Francione que entiende que siempre hay dominación por parte del humano en la relación animal humano-animal no humano. En este paper se defiende que la ausencia de autonomía de voluntad en algunos casos puede compensarse con robustos derechos laborales que justifiquen algunos trabajos de animales, ya que en nuestras sociedades el derecho al trabajo se interpreta como derecho a la participación social, y los derechos en el puesto de trabajo, como las condiciones en que esa participación puede ser considerada justa. ; If we are to assume that animals have a capacity for moral agency, then we must also assume a moral obligation to recognize their respective moral rights as well as their legal rights, in accordance with Donaldson and Kymlicka s thesis, at least for those animals with whom we occupy a common environment and for those who form a significant part of the political community as co-citizens. As such, we must therefore examine, from a moral and legal standpoint, whether or not we may ethically benefit from the work of animals as completion of their duties as citizens, and, if so, the conditions of this contract. If we reach the conclusion that we may, in fact, benefit from the work of animals, we must then recognize a series of laboral rights in their regard. The matter is quite problematic because the right to work has always presumed the autonomy of will when one enters into a laboral contract which requires due compensation. As it stands, we must presume the autonomous will of the animals from whose work we benefit (for instance, guide dogs, police dogs, egg-laying hens, transport animals, etc.). We must examine the ethical implications of this presumption of autonomous will as well as whether, in the absence of autonomous will, it is morally sufficient to fill its void with dignified working conditions. Some authors, such as Francione, argue that such a practice by definition constitutes an unequal and unjust relationship of domination and exploitation. In this paper, I will argue that exists a concept of animal citizenship that entails the recognition of their rights and duties as well as the minimum conditions of justice, solidified in the protection of a series of laboral rights that would permit the human benefit of animal labor only in some specific cases. Therefore, the distinction must be made between the right to work (understood in a reproductive sense as well as a productive sense as a right to social participation) and laboral rights owed to a specific position, which determine the minimum conditions of justice of said participation. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/draft

The article reveals modern approaches to the definition of social policy of the state. Its main objectives, priorities are characterized; the essence of ways of achievement of objectives and prospects of consequences of their implementation in 1990-1995 are revealed. The aim of the study is to characterize the evolution of social policy of the Altai territory in the first half of the 90s of the 20th century. The historiographical review was conducted in three areas of research separately: protection of the poor; revision of the principles of financing of the social sphere; regulation of the labor market and the transformation of employment policy. The problems and achievements of regional policy in the field of social support of population are characterized on the example of the Altai territory; the main directions of improvement of the current situation for the next decades of the 21th century are determined. The author's conclusions are confirmed by statistical indicators of investments in the social sphere of the Altai territory of the late 20th century. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the introduction into scientific circulation of a number of archival documents regulating the social policy of the Altai territory in 1990-1995, as well as in the analysis of formal institutions of regional social policy of the Altai territory, which proves that during the institutional transformations in the region there was a liberal model of social policy, corresponding to local economic opportunities and political attitudes of the elite. The article summarizes the information about the structure of government in the field of social protection of the population of the Altai territory in the post-Soviet period. The analysis of normative acts regulating their activity, main powers and functions is given. In addition, the stages of reforming the management system of social protection of the population and the causes of the difficulties in this regard are analyzed. The goals and procedure of reforming the system of social protection bodies throughout the Altai territory are revealed. goals and procedure ; Раскрываются современные подходы к определению социальной политики государства. Характеризуются ее основные цели, приоритеты, раскрывается сущность способов достижения поставленных задач и перспективы последствий их реализации в 1990-1995 гг. Целью исследования является характеристика эволюции социальной политики Алтайского края в первой половине 90-х гг. ХХ в. Историографический обзор проведен по трем направлениям исследования: защита слабообеспеченных слоев народонаселения; переработка принципов финансирования социосферы; регулирование рынка труда и трансформация политики занятости. На примере Алтайского края характеризуются проблемы и достижения региональной политики в области социальной поддержки народонаселения; определяются основные направления усовершенствования сложившейся ситуации на ближайшие десятилетия XXI в. Авторские выводы подтверждаются статистическими показателями вложений в социальную сферу Алтайского края конца XX в. Научная новизна исследования заключается во введении в научный оборот ряда архивных документов, регулирующих социальную политику Алтайского края в 1990-1995 гг., а также в анализе формальных институтов региональной социальной политики Алтайского края, который доказывает, что в ходе институциональных трансформаций в регионе сложилась либеральная модель социальной политики, соответствующая местным экономическим возможностям и политическим установкам элиты. Обобщены сведения о структуре органов управления в области социальной защиты народонаселения Алтайского региона в постсоветский период. Приводится анализ нормативных актов, регламентирующих их деятельность, основные полномочия и выполняемые функции. Кроме того, анализируются этапы реформирования системы управления социальной защиты населения и причины трудностей, возникающих в этой связи. Раскрываются цели и порядок реформирования системы органов социальной защиты на всей территории Алтайского края.

This research is an attempt to identify, in the works of political actors who are unarguably looked as wise, the elements of a method we could use today in our coexistence. We make the assumption that there is a community of wisdom across times and cultures. In order to validate this, we have compared the works of Confucius (6th century BC), Marcus Aurelius (2nd), Montaigne (16th century), Gandhi (19th / 20th century) and Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama (20th / 21st century). All are widely regarded as wise, in academic and popular publications. We are building our work on the concepts proposed by François Jullien, a contemporary philosopher and sinologist: his approach by poles, some of his concepts and his analysis of wisdom. Despite his criticisms of a comparative approach, we have adopted this approach. Following Edgar Morin, we used notions to specify points of comparison related to humanity and not to any particular culture. At the end of the comparison, it appears that the five sages have a lot in common: the adhesion to change, the priority given to the need and not the desire, the self-improvement, the spirit as key to access to the world, the idea of a coherent reality, root of the solidarity. Finally, we are drawing the contours of a practical wisdom, a way of life that can be sketched by a set of biases, orientations and practical options. This work fits into the traditional approach of "philo-sophy", the love of wisdom. It is also part of a philosophy of wisdom, a reflective approach in the same spirit as philosophy of science or religion. This approach exists in the Anglo-Saxon world, but is not yet very pregnant in the French-speaking academic space. ; Cette thèse cherche à identifier, chez des auteurs politiques considérés comme étant des sages, des éléments de méthode susceptibles d'être utilisés aujourd'hui dans une action pour coexister au mieux. Nous faisons l'hypothèse qu'il existe une communauté de sagesse à travers le temps et les cultures. Afin de la vérifier, nous comparons les œuvres de Confucius (VIe siècle av. JC), Marc Aurèle (IIe), Montaigne (XVIe), Gandhi (XIX/XXe) et Tenzin Gyatso, le 14e Dalaï lama (XX/XXIe). Tous sont largement tenus pour sages, comme l'indiquent moult recherches et une notoriété populaire. Nous construisons notre travail sur celui de François Jullien, philosophe et sinologue contemporain : son approche par pôles, certaines de ses notions et son analyse de la sagesse. Malgré ses critiques de l'approche comparative, nous empruntons ce chemin. Nous nous appuyons alors sur les travaux d'Edgar Morin, où nous trouvons de quoi préciser des points de comparaison relatifs à l'humain et non à quelque culture particulière. Au terme de la comparaison, il apparaît que les sages retenus convergent : dans l'adhésion au changement, la primauté du besoin sur le désir, le perfectionnement de soi, l'esprit décisif pour l'accès au monde, l'idée d'un réel cohérent où s'enracine une nécessaire solidarité. Nous concluons en esquissant une sagesse engageante, mode de vie qui peut être schématisé par un ensemble de partis-pris, d'orientations et de voies pratiques. Ce travail s'inscrit dans la démarche originelle de la « philo-sophie », amour de la sagesse. Il s'inscrit aussi dans une philosophie de la sagesse, démarche réflexive du même type que la philosophie des sciences. Cette approche existe dans le monde anglo-saxon, mais est peu présente dans l'espace académique francophone. ; (FILO - Philosophie) -- UCL, 2019

The hypothesis of this research was that these states never had a rich level of strategic partner-ship (despite the officially proclaimed status), but always remained a sort of "negative strate- gic dependence" because of the high level of asymmetry in their relations. I. Zhovkva proved that the attribute of strategic partnership is community of strategic interests without its further reflections existing relations are superfluous. G. Perepelytsia marked that scientists must distinguish two definitions of strategic partnership – as a level of the attained cooperation and as an instrument of state foreign policy. In the given article strategic partnership is examined in two measures. The first part is sanctified to the use of the concept of strategic partnership in the foreign policy of the Russian Federation (on the example of Ukraine), and second to accordance of level of their cooperation proclaimed strategic partnership. After 1991, the goal of Moscow was 'a friendly and neutral Ukraine.' The relations were built primarily on an economic basis, but even then Russia widely used a ban on the import of some goods as a political instrument. After 2004, problems in Russian-Ukrainian relations related to the Russian military base in Crimea and the basing of the Russian Black Sea Fleet aggravated. Kremlin tried to destruct Ukraine rather than let it go its own way these witnessed against the contemporary concept of strategic partnership, which was the foundation of Russian politics towards Ukraine. Rather, the RF used very old policy of 'stick and carrot' (low gas prices and other economic preferences as the carrot, responsibility for 'compatriots' as the stick). The Treaty on Friendship, Cooperation, and Partnership between Ukraine and the Russian Federation was denounced as well as all Russian-Ukrainian agreements on the Black Sea Fleet, so, the RF itself refuses from using 'strategic partnership' as instrument of its policy towards Ukraine. ; W artykule postawiono hipotezę, że partnerstwo strategiczne Rosji i Ukrainy nigdy nie znajdowało się na wysokim poziomie (wbrew oficjalnie głoszonej wersji), będąc raczej – z powodu wysokiego poziomu asymetrii w ich relacjach – swego rodzaju "negatywną zależnością strategiczną". I. Żowkwa twierdzi, że atrybutem partnerstwa strategicznego jest wspólnota interesów strategicznych, a relacje które nie stanowią odzwierciedlenia takiej wspólnoty są zbędne. G. Perepelytsia podkreśla, że naukowcy muszą rozróżnić dwie definicje partnerstwa strategicznego – jako poziom osiągniętej współpracy i jako instrument polityki zagranicznej państwa. Artykuł analizuje dwa aspekty partnerstwa strategicznego. Pierwsza część poświęcona jest wykorzystaniu koncepcji partnerstwa strategicznego w polityce zagranicznej Federacji Rosyjskiej (na przykładzie Ukrainy), a druga – poziomowi współpracy deklarowanej jako partnerstwo strategiczne. Po 1991 roku celem Moskwy była "przyjazna i neutralna Ukraina". Relacje budowano przede wszystkim w dziedzinie gospodarczej, ale nawet wówczas Rosja intensywnie stosowała instrument polityczny w postaci zakazu importu niektórych towarów. Po 2004 r. relacje rosyjsko-ukraińskie zaostrzyły się w związku z rosyjską bazą wojskową zlokalizowaną na Krymie i stacjonowaniem rosyjskiej floty czarnomorskiej. Kreml był gotów raczej zniszczyć Ukrainę, niż pozwolić jej wybrać własną drogę, co zaprzeczało współczesnej koncepcji partnerstwa strategicznego, będącej fundamentem rosyjskiej polityki wobec Ukrainy. Zamiast tego Federacja Rosyjska zastosowała politykę "kija i marchewki" (niskie ceny gazu i inne preferencje ekonomiczne jako marchewkę, odpowiedzialność za "rodaków" jako kij). Traktat o przyjaźni, współpracy i partnerstwie pomiędzy Federacją Rosyjską i Ukrainą został wypowiedziany, tak samo jak i wszystkie porozumienia dotyczące Floty Czarnomorskiej, tym samym więc, Rosja nie chce posługiwać się formą "partnerstwa strategicznego" jako instrumentem swojej polityki wobec Ukrainy.