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User-involvement is emerging as a key concern in social policy. So far debates have largely been framed in narrow social administration terms. The idea embraces conflicting conceptions of consumerism and self- advocacy. Here it is considered in the broader context of citivenship and human need. Beginning with people's own experience and ideas about them, the article explores their relationship with an empowering approach to involvement which enables us to become producers rather than consumers of our own welfare.

Overview : Surveying the terrain / James E. Katz, Lora Appel, and Amanda McGarry -- Mobile communication and socio-technical change / John Leslie King -- Sustainable early warning systems : HazInfo Sri Lanka / Gordon A. Gow and Nuwan Waidyanatha -- Mobile communication and the environment / Rich Ling and Nisar Bashir -- Mobile phones' role following China's 2008 earthquake / Yun Xia -- Social networks and policy knowledge during the 2008 US Presidential election / Scott W. Campbell and Nojin Kwak -- Mobile-mediated publics in South Africa's 2009 elections / Marion Walton and Jonathan Donner -- EMF social policy and youth mobile phone practices in Canada / Rhonda N. McEwen and Melissa E. Fritz -- Mobile communication policies in the workplace : the case of U.S. state governments / Craig R. Soctt, Hyunsook Youn, and Gillian Bonanno -- ICT use and female migrant workers in Singapore / Minu Thomas and Sun Sun Lim -- Cna you take it with you? Mobility, ICTs and work-life balance / Tracy L.M. Kennedy, Barry Wellman, and Julie Amoroso -- M-enabled learning : the mobile phone's contribution to education / Lourdes M. Portus -- Lifeworld keys and intractable objects : privacy, politics, and mobile symbolic meanings in Italy / Matteo Tarantino -- Mobile political campaigns : the nexus of mass content and private consumption / Chih-Hui Lai -- Disability, mobiles, and social policy : new modes of communication and governance / Gerard Goggin -- Social participation and mobile communication / Leopoldina Fortunati and Anna Maria Manganelli -- Technological rabbits and communication turtles / Irving Louis Horowitz.

Several changes in policy & problems facing social security are outlined. A new proposal for social security reform is presented which would gradually move the system in the direction of greater private participation & fiscal soundness. Several steps toward reform are described, including: (1) eliminating the double-indexing of social security benefits against inflation, (2) tightening up the minimum benefit provisions of the current law to prevent the use of social security as a second pension, (3) eliminating extra benefits for married heads of households, & (4) modifying or eliminating the present law which permits an early retirement option at age sixty-two. This proposal would lead to an increase in private saving & investment & in the Gross National Product. Capital ownership would also be more widespread throughout the population. Both retired persons & the working population would benefit from this plan. Modified HA.

Relational social work engages with existing networks to enhance their resilience and capacity to resolve difficulties. It does this by addressing the identified problem, and by engaging, mobilising and developing both supportive and problem-solving networks. These networks can include family members, friends, teachers and any other significant actors who have a contribution to make. The participative approach offers a way of translating policies that aspire to social inclusion into practice.

Taking a political stance in social work necessarily involves a close historical examination of the influence of social and economic structure as well as the constituting context of relations of domination. It also involves articulating an ontology of the political subject. We maintain that the proper conceptual space for understanding the possibility of taking a political stance is that of political ontology. In defining this space we draw on issues raised in The New Politics of Social Work (Gray and Webb, 2013) bringing together aspects of social structure and agency for radical social work. We ask against which principles a radical social work stance might be judged and question the extent to which it can be positioned as a counter-strategy to both neoliberal capitalism and mainstream social work. The article plots the implications and meaning of the 'new politics of social work' – conceived of as a 'New Social Work Left'.

El artículo se estructura en tres partes. La primera intentará enfocar la discusión sobre el desarrollo social en el marco de un movimiento favorable a la comprensión holística del desarrollo. En el segundo apartado observaremos los límites y las posibilidades de la integración social en América Latina. En la parte final, con pretensiones prescriptivas, reflexionamos en torno a la importancia de las variables 'ciudadanía y territorio' en la formación de nuevos escenarios de política pública para el desarrollo social.

The need for soc information is generally recognized, but actual information available is scarce & a great effort & a long time are required to make it complete. 2 practical questions therefore arise: What kind of information on soc matters is most urgently required, & why? An attempt is made to give answers to those questions. There are also 2 important problems in development which cannot be tackled in a satisfactory way without adequate soc information: (1) meaningful assessment of development results, & (2) giving soc content to development planning. The common practice of using econ variables for these purposes only confuses the issues. There is an urgent need to elaborate soc indicators to be used instead. They fall into 4 classes: (a) indicators for the flow of welfare (level of living); (b) indicators for the state of welfare; (c) indicators for the welfare effect; & (d) indicators for the productivity effects of soc factors. Out of these 4 classes it is the level-ofliving indicators which are the crucial ones &, therefore, the methodology of their instruction is discussed in some detailproblems of quantification, scaling, allowing for distribution, & making them a part of a coherent system. A tentative list of level-of-living indicators is presented in conclusion. HA.

In Germany equal opportunity policy has been conducted from the beginning by forms of regulation, which are currently the subject of governance research. Feminist political science can thus offer important answers to the core questions of this new research perspective. By drawing on the main results of feminist research, the authors first clarify the boundaries of governance in the areas law, the economy, and social policy. Specifically, the diversity of forms and modes of governance will be illustrated for policies concerning wage equality, equality in childcare, and in administrative policy. In the conclusion the authors address the synergetic effects and the common concerns of feminist political science and governance research. ; In Deutschland wurde Gleichstellungspolitik von Beginn an über Steuerungsformen betrieben, die heute Gegenstand der Governanceforschung sind. Die feministische Politikwissenschaft kann darum dieser neuen Forschungsperspektive wichtige Antworten zu ihren Kernfragen anbieten. Im Rückgriff auf zentrale Ergebnisse feministischer Forschung machen die Autorinnen die Grenzen der Steuerbarkeit in den Bereichen Recht, Ökonomie und Sozialpolitik deutlich. Konkret wird die Vielfalt der Gover nanceformen und -modi an der Politik zu Entgeltgleichheit, zu Gleichheit in der Sorgearbeit und in der Verwaltungspolitik herausgearbeitet. Im Fazit werden die Synergieeffekte und die gemeinsamen Anliegen der feministischen Politikwissenschaft und der Governanceforschung aufgezeigt.

Advancing health equity and reducing disparities through evidence-based policy research requires the expertise, insights, and active participation of various policy stakeholders – particularly those represent­ing vulnerable populations who may be disproportionately affected by such policies. Unfortunately, there are few sustainable settings for these diverse stakeholders to convene, share their knowledge, develop and execute research in a collaborative fashion, and effectively translate evidence-based findings. The development of a health policy-focused center supports the collaborative structure needed to present a unified, multi-disciplinary approach toward informing health policy. The Transdisci­plinary Collaborative Center for Health Disparities Research (TCC) at Morehouse School of Medicine (U54MD008173) was funded in 2012 by the National Institute on Minority Health and Health Dispari­ties (NIMHD) as an innovative approach for conducting health policy research and disseminating evidence-based science to diverse stakeholders. This article provides an overview of the research projects, pilot project programs, infrastructure cores, com­munications, and strategic dissemination activities supported by the TCC. Ethn Dis. 2019;29(Suppl 2):323-328; doi:10.18865/ed.29.S2.323

The history of welfare states is marked by divisions between capital and labour and these divisions are replicated at the international level. At the heart of these divisions is enduring class interests which accord different priorities to social and economic factors. That these divisions exist is neither surprising, nor necessarily a problem; the problem, this paper argues, is the increasingly high priority given to business interests by ever more powerful international governmental organisations. This paper presents an analysis of power in the global economy before investigating the social policy preferences of key international capital and labour organisations. It argues that international class mobilisation has failed to produce very much of a compromise on the part of capital, and that, if anything, international social policy discourse is today even closer to business than it has ever been.

The belief that the social class position an individual inherits at birth is not itself a prime determinant of subsequent personal achievement is a cherished part of American democratic tradition. Social historians attempting to measure whether the mobility opportunities so eagerly sought by immigrants were in fact realized have looked at the occupations of immigrant men and their sons. Evidence from such diverse areas as Boston, Detroit, Cleveland, Pittsburgh, and New York City indicates that at the turn of the century many men did experience upward occupational mobility; some groups, notably blacks, did not fare as well as did white immigrants, and not all white immigrants experienced the same rates of occupational improvement (Bodnar et al. 1982; Lieberson 1980; Model 1988; Thernstrom 1964, 1973; Zunz 1982). This essay turns to the first decade of the twentieth century to explore some of the factors contributing to socioeconomic mobility.