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Terrorism and the political use of violence are not necessarily synonymous. Terrorism is the use of violence for the primary purpose of creating a general atmosphere of fear and alarm. Thus, a terrorist organization does not limit its tactical use of violence to military and other such strategic targets but will additionally direct its violent tactics against the public at large. If employed by a government, the objective of such a use of terror can be to create submission to a repressive status quo. If used by an anti-governmental group, the objective may be to create a situation of instability in order to facilitate the overthrow of the existing government. In southern Africa, anti-governmental organizations operating in Mozambique, Angola, and Zimbabwe depend on financial and military assistance from the South African regime which utilizes these organizations as one component of its strategy to destabilize the governments of the former countries. This article demonstrates that (1) these anti-governmental organizations, such as União Nacional de Indepêndencia Total de Angola (UNITA) and the Movimento de Resistência Nacional de Moçambique, by their tactics, conform to the definition of a terrorist organization; (2) these anti-governmental organizations could not survive without their linkages to the South African regime; and (3) the South African regime's objective in promoting these anti-governmental organizations is to attempt to continue the status quo inside South Africa.

South Africa has undergone enormous economic, social and political change since the beginning of the democratisation process in 1994. The South African economy, including agriculture, is increasingly integrated in world markets with about one-third of agricultural production exported. It is among the world's leading exporters of such agro-food products as wine, fresh fruits and sugar. At the same time, South African agriculture is highly dualistic with a small number of commercial operations run predominantly by white farmers and large numbers of subsistence farms run by black farm

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Preface -- Foreword -- World Map -- Chronology -- Chapter 1: Historical Background on Apartheid in South Africa -- Chapter Exercises -- 1. Apartheid in South Africa: An Overview -- 2. Establishing Separate Communities for Different Races -- 3. The Sharpeville Massacre -- 4. A Student Uprising in Soweto -- 5. South Africa's Bishop Tutu-Time for a Peaceful Solution is Short -- 6. The Beginning of the End for Apartheid -- 7. Apartheid has No Future -- 8. S. Africa Tries Out New System with Risky Plan -- Chapter 2: Controversies Surrounding Apartheid in South Africa -- Chapter Exercises -- 1. Apartheid is the Best Policy for South Africa -- 2. Apartheid is an Evil and Unjust System -- 3. South Africa and Foreign Countries Reacted Differently to the Sharpeville Massacre -- 4. Sanctions should not be Imposed on South Africa -- 5. US Companies may not Truly be Leaving South Africa -- 6. Multiple Factors Caused the Collapse of Apartheid -- 7. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission was Successful -- 8. Mandela, 20 Years On: Change, But for Whom? -- Chapter 3: Personal Narratives -- Chapter Exercises -- 1. A South African Reflects on his Childhood -- 2. A Political Prisoner Serves Time on Robben Island -- 3. An Imprisoned ANC Leader Learns About Soweto and the New Activists -- 4. A White South African Teen Discovers Truths About his Country -- 5. A Human Being Died That Night: A South African Story of Forgiveness -- Glossary -- Organizations to Contact -- List of Primary Source Documents -- For Further Research -- Index -- Back Cover

512State immunity — Jurisdictional immunity — Employment dispute — Embassy of foreign State — Foreign national employed as secretary — Dismissal — Action for reinstatement — Whether foreign State entitled to jurisdictional immunity — Distinction between sovereign and non-sovereign activities — European Convention on State Immunity, 1972, Article 5 — Spanish Constitution, Article 24(1) — Whether limiting recourse to jurisdictional immunity — Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, 1961, and Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, 1963 — Inapplicability to claims brought against a foreign StateState immunity — Attachment and execution — Distinction between jurisdictional immunity and immunity from execution — Reciprocity as basis of immunity from execution — Executive control over procedure for execution against foreign StateDiplomatic relations — Immunity — Entitlement to — Whether restricted to natural persons — Whether embassy of foreign State entitled to diplomatic immunityRelationship of international law and municipal law — Customary international law — State immunity — Principles recognized by the community of nations — Restrictive theory of immunity — Treaties — European Convention on State Immunity, 1972 — Recourse to provisions on jurisdictional immunity as evidence of position under customary international law — The law of Spain

A review of South African literature on race relations published during the past 5 yrs highlights writings dealing with the areas of poverty, the constitution of South Africa & gov policy, educ, & religion. A selected bibliog of 333 books & periodicals divided into econ, pol'al, historical, educ'al, religious, literary, & general categories is appended. P. D. Montagna.

Title Page -- About the Layout -- Dedication -- List of Maps, Figures and Tables -- Abbreviations -- Introduction -- Chapter One: South Africa, 1899-1902: The Last Gentleman's War? -- The geopolitical landscape and the rival strategies -- Boer and Briton -- The Boer offensive and the battles of the frontiers -- The British invasion of the republics -- The change in Boer strategy -- The British counterinsurgency strategy: logistics, blockhouses, mobile columns, camps -- Blockhouses -- Drives: mobile columns and armoured trains -- Boer tactics -- Morale -- Political warfare -- The butcher's bill -- Conclusion -- Chapter Two: Integration and Union, 1902-1914 -- Empire, military organisation and the threat perception -- Pacification of the highveld and creation of the Transvaal Volunteers -- The politics of military integration: the forging of the Union Defence Force -- Conclusion -- Chapter Three: The First World War, 1914-1918 -- The politics of participation -- A bad beginning: gambits and crises -- Military reform and the second invasion of South West Africa -- Raising and dispatch of expeditionary forces -- German East Africa, 1915-1918 -- The Middle East: Egypt and Palestine -- France: mud and trenches -- Conclusion -- Chapter Four: The Inter-war Years, 1919-1939 -- Defence policy, strategic calculations and threat perception -- Demobilisation, rationalisation and reorganisation -- Technology, military innovation and organisational politics -- Politics: domestic and Commonwealth -- Revised threat perception and policy change -- Political opposition and mobilisation -- Conclusion -- Chapter Five: The Second World War, 1939-1945 -- Politics, domestic and imperial -- A house divided: subversion, propaganda and secret agents -- The mobilisation of the Union Defence Force -- Home waters: the expansion of an air force and the creation of a navy

The South African interest group structure is in large measure determined by the racial and ethnic divisions within the population. The low degree of overlap ping group membership can be attributed to three, partly coinciding factors: (1) voluntary establishment of associa tions to promote the interests of specific racial or ethnic groups; (2) government measures introducing racial segrega tion into associational life; and (3) the establishment of associations on an ethnic or racial basis as a result of clashes of interest within mixed associations. Despite these factors a number of racially or ethnically mixed associations do exist—for example, some trade unions—mainly as a result of the integrated nature of the economic system. Because most effective forms of formal political and economic power are concentrated in the hands of the white population groups, their organized interest groups are more influential than the respective nonwhite counterparts. There are indica tions, however, that nonwhite interests are increasingly articulated by institutional and nonassociational interest groups using the various communal councils as channels of access to the key points of decision making.

The South African interest group structure is in large measure determined by the racial & ethnic divisions within the population. The low degree of overlapping group membership can be attributed to 3, partly coinciding factors: (1) voluntary establishment of associations to promote the interests of specific racial or ethnic groups; (2) government measures introducing racial segregation into associational life; & (3) the establishment of associations on an ethnic or racial basis as a result of clashes of interest within mixed associations. Despite these factors a number of racially or ethnically mixed associations do exist--ie, some trade unions--mainly as a result of the integrated nature of the economic system. Because most effective forms of formal political & economic power are concentrated in the hands of the white population groups, their organized interest groups are more influential than the respective nonwhite counterparts. There are indications, however, that nonwhite interests are increasingly articulated by institutional & nonassociational interest groups using the various communal councils as channels of access to the key points of decision making. 3 Tables. HA.