Suchergebnisse

Five years ago I published an article in which I assessed the results of the first decade of America's Central Asian policy. I came to the conclusion that between the early 1990s and 2002, it developed from mere recognition of the newly independent states to a long-term regional strategy. For obvious reasons, 9/11 served as the turning point: "From a geographically remote, unstable and, in general, unexciting region, Central Asia became a zone of the U.S.'s national security interests." After the 9/11 events, America began launching a wide-scale counterterrorist campaign in Asia. In the wake of 11 September, when the United States began its military operation in Afghanistan and set up military bases in Central Asia, the American military and politicians worked against the clock. Tactics, not strategy, was on everyone's mind. The prospect of America's regional involvement was still vague. It was later, in the mid-2000s, that America's interests in the region were soberly assessed both in America and Russia. Today, when America, Russia, and China have outlined their interests in Central Asia in the context of its relative stability and when regional structures have appeared with good prospects (in particular the SCO), we can return to the problem of America's policy in Central Asia and its prospects. The time has come to give a more objective and balanced assessment, to ascertain whether Central Asia remains high on the list of the U.S. foreign policy priorities, and to outline Russia's response to America's regional policy. Today, three interconnected factors are responsible for the U.S.'s interest in Central Asia: (1) its geopolitical status; (2) the insufficient political and economic stability of the local states and the human rights problems caused by regional instability; and (3) the prospect of transferring the local hydrocarbon resources to the world market. Since the United States is pursuing its Central Asian policy in the context of much wider regional and global problems, an analysis of what America is doing in Central Asia should take into account the Iranian nuclear program, the positions and roles of India and Pakistan, and SCO development.

The theory of social stigma provides a context for the subjective experience of African American servicemembers in World War II. Those experiences reveal the paradox the military faces when addressing racial discrimination. An examination of these experiences suggests only a collective response by African American servicemembers will solve this problem.

Serious games as one of the most important trends in e-learning are presented in this paper. An intensive use of information and communication technologies has led to major changes in traditional military education. One of these changes is the use of serious games for simulating the real military environment. This review paper presents several definitions and classifications of serious games, the difference between serious and entertainment games, and considers their military applications in training and simulation systems as well as in education.

Printed in Great Britain. ; Introduction.--Regimental nomenclature.--Regimental crests.--Military uniforms.--Armour.--Weapons.--Early British war medals.--Military medals struck by the mint.--Military decorations awarded for special services.--Military medallions.--Military prints.--Memorial brasses of military interest.--Autographs of great soldiers.--War postage stamps.--War money.--Curios made by prisoners of war.--Miscellaneous military curios.--A history of one's collection.--Bibliography (p. 325-336) ; Mode of access: Internet.

Incorporating the development risks defence (DRD) into Product Liability Directive 85/374/EEC has been the most controversial issue in product liability debates. Although it is possible for the Member States to derogate from the DRD, only Finland and Luxemburg apply development risk derogation set out in Article 15 §1(b) of the Directive to all products. This derogation is partially applied in France, Spain and Hungry. Aside from providing an introduction to history of the divergences on DRD at national and supranational levels, this paper analyses economic and legal bases of proponent of this defence and critically makes separate analysis about them. Overall, economic and legal views of the opponents refer to bases that specially manifest themselves in academic literature and the legislative, economic, political debates. With reference to the European literature and debates, this paper attempts to elaborate that the DRD is not only an economic and legal issue but also social and political one. Regarding to these diffused bases, it is possible to conclude that the arguments put forward in favour of maintaining the DRD are susceptible to criticism.

An estimated 1,018,700 or 3.7 percent of African-American adults consider themselves lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender (LGBT) and 34 percent of African-American same-sex couples are raising children. Currently, the estimated 84,000 African-American individuals in same-sex couples tend to live in areas where there are higher proportions of African-Americans. For example, a quarter of African-American same-sex couples live in Georgia, New York, North Carolina, and Maryland. The report finds overall higher unemployment rates (15 percent v. 12 percent) and lower proportions with a college degree (23 percent v. 26 percent) among LGBT African-Americans, when compared to their non-LGBT counterparts. However, these disadvantages are not present among African-Americans in same-sex couples. Twenty-five percent of African-Americans in same-sex couples have completed a college degree, compared to 22 percent of African-Americans in different-sex couples. In addition, 71 percent of African-Americans in same-sex couples are employed compared to 68 percent of their counterparts in different-sex couples. LGBT African-Americans are also less likely than their non-LGBT counterparts to have health insurance. African-American same-sex couples raising children, report household median incomes $15,000 lower than comparable African-American different-sex couples ($47,300 vs. $63,020). Female African-American same-sex couples, which comprise 58 percent of all African-American same-sex couples, earn over $20,000 less than male African-American same-sex couples. LGBT African-American females and African-American females in same-sex couples are three times more likely to report military service than their non-LGBT counterparts.

Parliament House is to be partially demolished and rebuilt, extended within the existing perimeter envelope, refurbished and replanned except for the major public spaces, seismically upgraded by means of base isolation and enhancement of existing foundations, basement walls, ground floor, upper floor walls and floors. This paper describes the assessment of appropriate seismic loads, the structural system, the analysis and design of the retrofitted structure. Anticipated construction procedures and difficulties are also addressed.

This article examines the representation of the encounters and exchanges between Asian and black Americans in Sŏk-kyŏng Kang's "Days and Dreams," Heinz Insu Fenkl's Memories of My Ghost Brother, and Chang-rae Lee's A Gesture Life. While one popular mode of looking at Asian and black Americans relationally in the postwar era is to compare the success of Asian American assimilation to the failure of black Americans, Lim argues that such a mode of comparison cannot account for the ways in which Asian American racialization takes places within the global currents of militarism and migration. Against the popular view that attributes Asian American success to cultural difference, Lim relies on political scientist Claire Kim's understanding of culture as something that is constructed in the process of racialization to explore how the above texts imagine the terms of comparative racialization between black and Asian Americans. The black-Korean encounters in these texts demand a heuristic of comparative racialization that goes beyond the discussion of the black-white binary as a national construct and seeks the reification and modification of this racial frame as it travels along the routes of US military and economic incursions in the Pacific. Lim suggests that the literary imagining of black-Korean encounters across the Pacific illustrates race and racialization as effects of a regime of economic development that is supported by military aggression.

This article examines the representation of the encounters and exchanges between Asian and black Americans in Sŏk-kyŏng Kang's "Days and Dreams," Heinz Insu Fenkl's Memories of My Ghost Brother, and Chang-rae Lee's A Gesture Life. While one popular mode of looking at Asian and black Americans relationally in the postwar era is to compare the success of Asian American assimilation to the failure of black Americans, Lim argues that such a mode of comparison cannot account for the ways in which Asian American racialization takes places within the global currents of militarism and migration. Against the popular view that attributes Asian American success to cultural difference, Lim relies on political scientist Claire Kim's understanding of culture as something that is constructed in the process of racialization to explore how the above texts imagine the terms of comparative racialization between black and Asian Americans. The black-Korean encounters in these texts demand a heuristic of comparative racialization that goes beyond the discussion of the black-white binary as a national construct and seeks the reification and modification of this racial frame as it travels along the routes of US military and economic incursions in the Pacific. Lim suggests that the literary imagining of black-Korean encounters across the Pacific illustrates race and racialization as effects of a regime of economic development that is supported by military aggression.

Report submitted by Mr. Dibrell from the committee. ; Caption title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"Guatemala: The Military in Politics" published on by Oxford University Press.