Suchergebnisse

El objeto de este trabajo es analizar las relaciones entre la Unión Europea y Cuba desde una perspectiva histórico-jurídica. Desde que en 2014 se abriese el proceso de conclusión del primer vínculo jurídico entre La Habana y Bruselas –el Acuerdo de Diálogo Político y Cooperación–, los dos métodos, a veces antagónicos, el europeo, con la diplomacia pragmática, y el norteamericano, con el aislamiento, han ido acercando posturas hacia el mismo objetivo: acelerar la transición política del país. A pesar de los esfuerzos, las autoridades cubanas siguen enrocadas en una visión tradicional que puede llegar a debilitar lo conseguido hasta el momento. ; The purpose of this work is to analyse the relationship between the European Union and Cuba from a historical-legal approach. Since the process to conclude the first legal link –Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement–, between Havana and Brussels was opened in 2014, the two methods, which sometimes were opposed, the European one with a pragmatic diplomacy, and the North-American with its isolation, have tried to align positions towards the same objective: to accelerate the political transition of the country. Despite the efforts, the Cuban authorities continue insisting on a traditional view that could weaken what has been achieved so far.

The authors discuss the natural water quality management aimed at meeting the needs of the Russian population in drinking water of the European quality standard. Water is the basis for human body functioning. The paper considers the EU experience of continuous, guaranteed clean water supply. ; "Interaction of Environment and Human Health: Experience of the European Union", with the reference number 2016-2592 / 001-001, 574826-EPP-1-2016-1-RU-EPPJMO-MODULE.

Food systems have complex social, economic and ecological components, and radical transformation is needed to make them sustainable. This report from SAPEA lays out the science on how that transition can happen in an inclusive, just and timely way. What the report says: The global demand for food will increase in the future. To meet this demand, it is not enough simply to increase productivity in a sustainable way. We also need to change from linear mass consumption to a more circular economy — which will mean changing our norms, habits and routines. The evidence shows that this kind of behaviour change needs to happen collectively, not just individually. So we need joined-up governance at local, national and international levels. Food systems also contribute significantly to greenhouse gas emissions. This can be addressed by reducing waste or directing it back into the supply chain. A mix of different measures will be most effective. The evidence shows that taxation is one of the most effective ways to modify behaviour. Accreditation and labelling schemes can also have an impact. Meanwhile, reform of European agriculture and fisheries policies offer great opportunities to develop resilience and sustainability. But there is not yet enough evidence to know for sure exactly what works in practice, so the steps we take should be carefully evaluated, and trade-offs anticipated.

Explores political and economic effects the full integration of Cyprus into the European Union would have.

The good neighbourliness principle is one of the most important principles in interna-tional law which designates a model of peaceful cooperation and mutual tolerance among neighbouring states. Its violation in the past, however, very often led to military conflicts and many international disputes and may lead to serious disputes among neighbouring states in the future. Thus, the good neighbourliness principle has a clear legal value54. This article analyses the good neighbourliness principle as a key principle that obligates neighbouring states to develop and to maintain peaceful interstate relations. The focus is twofold: firstly, on the scope, content and nature of the good neighbourliness principle in international law and secondly, on the impact of the good neighbourliness princi-ple on the relations between the European Union and its Eastern Neighbours within the framework of the neighbourhood policy and the enlargement policy.

Does attachment to a nation enhance or dampen support for the European Union (EU)? Using the 2003 and 2013 ISSP national‐identity modules, we isolate and provide multi‐item measures of two distinct types of national attachment—nationalism and patriotism. We find that they are positively related yet have divergent effects. We validate the measures showing that nationalism increases, and patriotism decreases, support for nationalistic policies (anti‐immigration and protectionism) as expected. We then test the effects of nationalism and patriotism on EU attitudes and find that nationalism increases, and patriotism decreases, opposition to the EU. The presence of a neo‐nationalist political party enhanced the effects of nationalism on opposition to the EU, underscoring the importance of political rhetoric in shaping nationalistic EU opposition. In further support of the rhetoric hypothesis, the most‐educated nationalists are most likely to oppose the EU in countries with a neo‐nationalist political party and vote for such parties when present.

This paper analyses the determinants of Chinese direct investment (DI) in the European Union (EU). Evidence is based on panel Poisson models drawing on two investment monitors for individual projects. We distinguish between the numbers of greenfield investments (GIs) and mergers and acquisitions (M&As). The findings indicate that market size and trade relationships with China are the primary factors driving Chinese DI in the EU. In contrast, more business-friendly institutions do not foster DI. Chinese enterprises might be risk averse, in other words prefer to choose their activities in regions with less competitive markets. The striking difference between GIs and M&As is related to unit labour costs. Higher costs make the host country less attractive for the establishment of new firms, but do not affect the involvement in existing firms. The sectoral dispersion of Chinese DI in the EU has not changed much since the global financial crisis of 2008. Most relevant shifts have occurred in research and development (R&D), where low-income EU countries have gained in attractiveness.

A protocol annexed to the Amsterdam Treaty, regarding public broadcasting in Member States, provides that Member States are free to fund public service broadcasting as far as it does not affect competition in the European Union to an extent which would be contrary to the common interest. As a result of this condition, the European Commission carries out a proportionality test to check if there is no overcompensation or disproportionate effects of public funding. It nonetheless does so by adopting a global control which considers all public broadcaster programmes as part of the public service remit. Such control is problematic because it does not take into account the distinction between commercial and public service programmes nor the actual quality of programmes. The Commission indeed focuses its control on the advertisement market, making sure that public broadcasters do not take advantage of public funding to lower the price of advertisement rates. The freedom enjoyed by public broadcasters to provide any types of programmes as far as they respect the advertisement market comes out to be contrary to citizen welfare.

Pasada la primera sorpresa, nadie se ha rasgado las vestiduras al saber que el Comité Noruego del Nobel le haya concedido a la Unión Europea el premio Nobel de la Paz. Su vocación y apuesta por la paz está en su mismo ADN. Su esfuerzo por la inclusión, su lucha por la práctica y respeto a los derechos humanos y al medio ambiente, su particular concepción del desarrollo, no exentos de contradicciones y a veces muy particulares intereses nacionales, pesaron y pesan más que sus desaciertos y errores. Europa y el mundo serían muy distintos de lo que son hoy sin la Unión Europea. ; After the first shock, no one has thrown up their hands in horror knowing that the European Union was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize by Norwegian Nobel Committee. Its vocation and its commitment to peace are in its DNA. Regardless its mistakes what it was and still is important is its effort for inclusion, its fight for practice and for respect human rights and for environment and its particular view of development which are not free of contradictions and they often become individual national interests. They were and will be more important than their mistakes. Europe and the rest of the world wouldn't be what they are today without Europe Union.

This article discusses the historiography of the European Parliament (EP) up to and including the advent of direct elections, in 1979. The term historiography is interpreted loosely to include the work not only of historians, but also of political scientists who have studied the Common Assembly of the European Coal and Steel Community and the early decades of the European Parliament, as well as practitioners - officials and Members of the European Parliament - who have written about the institution from an academic perspective. The article aims to explore changes over time in how analysts of the EP approached their subject, the contributions that they have made, and current trends in historical research on the EP - an institution that emerged as an important player in European Community governance well before the dawn of direct elections.