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Many queer foreigners perceive Thailand as a gay paradise. They have an image of the country as having a tolerant attitude towards LGBTIQ+. However, for Thai LGBTIQ+, Western countries evoke wealth, progress, and acceptance where people with a different gender identity or sexual orientation can fully enjoy their rights. Thai LGBTIQ+, like men and women, strive to go abroad seeking a life they dream of. This article aims to give an account of one of these marginalized groups' experience that is often neglected by both Thai and Western transnational scholars. Based on an ethnographic study in four European countries with 26 Thai transgender informants, this article argues that migration needs to be considered as a search for one's well-being, not only in terms of economic aspects, but also in terms of sentimental or emotional needs – that is, the possibility of living their gender and being socially and legally accepted. In this transcultural context, not only do people move across borders, but they also export with them perceptions and understandings about sex, gender, and sexuality from their home country. These aspects are renegotiated and rearticulated in the new socio-cultural milieu of the host countries in order to maximize these new conditions for their own interest. They may or may not reveal their transgender identity, depending on contexts, social interactions, and whom they are dealing with. Their transgender identity can offer them advantages, particularly in the realm of sex. (ASEAS/GIGA)

AbstractA good death—a normative ideology of living and dying well that may allow an individual to gain awareness, acceptance, and preparation for death—has captured the attention of researchers, clinicians, and policymakers in recent years. Prior sociological research has uncovered nuanced perspectives of a good death, yet there has been minimal exploration into how marginalised communities reconstruct their own ideals of a good death in response to structural and institutional inequities. Utilising data from 47 in‐depth interviews, I examine how transgender older adults perceive and plan for ageing and end‐of‐life experiences through advance care planning. My analysis reveals transgender older adults' reevaluated notions of a normatively desirable good death for themselves due to existing inequities. Consequently, they actively reconstruct a personalised ideology of death that is adequate enough to meet their end‐of‐life needs. I further offer the conceptualisation of SATISFICING DEATH, as a process of individuals from marginalised communities reevaluating and reconstructing their own ideologies of a good death that is adequate enough while using resourceful strategies to improve existing social conditions for themselves. These findings highlight the critical need to provide affirming end‐of‐life care, support, and resources to transgender communities.

Transgender people—people whose gender identity or expression is different from their assigned sex at birth—and their allies advocate for the inclusion of gender identity or transgender in state non-discrimination policies. These policies generally proscribe discrimination in employment, housing, and public accommodations. Courts and administrative agencies have determined discrimination against transgender people is a violation of existing statutes, but there remain efforts by advocates to seek policies that explicitly prohibit discrimination on the basis of transgender status, which are often the result of legislation going through the political process. A pluralist understanding of the political process theorizes that a majority coalition of minorities can offer social groups policies they support. This rests on the presumption that a majority coalition of minorities should rule. Any indication to the contrary may suggest a democratic deficit, whereby more than a majority is necessary for policy introduction. We find that there is a substantial democratic deficit regarding the inclusion of gender identity or transgender in employment non-discrimination policies. On average, state support for the policy must be 81% in order for the state to have a policy reflecting such sentiment. This leaves substantial implications for the political powerlessness of transgender people in the political process.

Transgender people—people whose gender identity or expression is different from their assigned sex at birth—and their allies advocate for the inclusion of gender identity or transgender in state non-discrimination policies. These policies generally proscribe discrimination in employment, housing, and public accommodations. Courts and administrative agencies have determined discrimination against transgender people is a violation of existing statutes, but there remain efforts by advocates to seek policies that explicitly prohibit discrimination on the basis of transgender status, which are often the result of legislation going through the political process. A pluralist understanding of the political process theorizes that a majority coalition of minorities can offer social groups policies they support. This rests on the presumption that a majority coalition of minorities should rule. Any indication to the contrary may suggest a democratic deficit, whereby more than a majority is necessary for policy introduction. We find that there is a substantial democratic deficit regarding the inclusion of gender identity or transgender in employment non-discrimination policies. On average, state support for the policy must be 81% in order for the state to have a policy reflecting such sentiment. This leaves substantial implications for the political powerlessness of transgender people in the political process.

In this essay, our purposes are to inspire particular avenues of future research addressing Transgender students, in middle school in particular, and to inform the professional development of teachers in support of these Transgender youth. In relation to the ways in which research can more authentically represent Transgender identity, we argue for the use of Transgender theory as a guiding framework for research addressing Transgender students, issues, and needs. We also describe the particular affordances of qualitative, ethnographic, and phenomenological studies in capturing the unique and highly personal experiences and realities of Transgender individuals, and specifically, in middle school. We then discuss how schools are structured socially and politically along heteronormative and cisnormative lines, presenting a stumbling block for Transgender rights advocacy in educational contexts. Finally, we review the potential of teachers to be the necessary educational change agents to spur greater understanding of and advocacy for students' gender inclusivity.

Abstract
Over the last two decades, there has been an increasing coverage of transgender people in Latin American and
Spanish media. However, there are very few research studies that thoroughly examine the increasing use of terms such as
transgender "transgénero" and trans in Spanish-speaking press. This contribution studies the
linguistic representation of transgender people in Spanish-speaking quality press produced in Colombia and Spain. Within the
framework of Queer Linguistics and Corpus-based Discourse Analysis, this article explores the linguistic choices employed by the
Spanish-speaking press to name transgender people and examines the main differences in the linguistic choices made by newspapers
in the two countries. Unlike in English, the findings suggest that trans and transexual are the
most commonly used labels in Spanish. Although the semantic categories of representation are seen to differ between the two
countries, the linguistic choices observed seem to be closely linked to sociopolitical and ideological preferences.

This article argues that the trajectory of transgender rights, especially the quest for transgender reservations is shrouded by the spectre of Brahmanical governmentality perpetuated by the state. Through an anti-caste analysis of the recent developments in this issue, it attempts to demonstrate that the denial of horizontal reservations for trans persons by the state fulfils the conditions of Brahmanical governmentality. It is characterized by a lack of a refusal to engage with trans persons' lived realities, ignoring trans voices about vital issues pertaining to their community and the promulgation of legal and policy decisions which inimically affect the material interests of trans persons and perpetuate their oppression.

Introduction: birth of an empire -- Birth of a child -- A dollhouse -- A haircut -- According to His will -- On the playground -- At the edge of manhood -- Seeing demons -- Signs and signals -- Holy obligations -- Teachings of our fathers -- A new school -- Heavenly bodies -- Welcome to the Catskill Mountains -- Matchmaking -- Tingling feelings -- Audience with the rebbe -- High on mysticism -- Engaged -- Graphic studies -- A wedding in a blizzard -- Another child -- The done thing -- Wireless connections.

Girl meets boy -- Confessions of a grown-up tomboy -- The opposite of 49 -- Snips & snails & sugar & spice -- Wearing the pants -- Genitals are the least of it -- Love is a many gendered thing

"How would you feel If you were wrapped in an air-tight box? I have been feeling suffocated the exact way throughout my life ..."