English Political Pluralism.Henry Meyer Magid
In: The American journal of sociology, Band 48, Heft 1, S. 134-136
ISSN: 1537-5390
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In: The American journal of sociology, Band 48, Heft 1, S. 134-136
ISSN: 1537-5390
In: Leemans , I B 2012 , ' Arousing Discontent : Dutch Pornographic Plays, 1670-1800 ' , Journal for Early Modern Cultural Studies , vol. 12 , no. 2 , pp. 117-132 .
n the second half of the seventeenth century, the Dutch Republic became the "sex shop" of Europe, printing large varieties of erotic works and distributing them through various reader groups. The production of pornographic works also inspired Dutch authors, who developed new forms of erotic prose and plays. Around 1700 Dutch theatrical eroticism mainly took the form of a bawdy dialogue. During the second half of the eighteenth century, when the theatrical landscape of the Netherlands diversified, new pornographic settings were invented. Dutch pornographers developed different varieties of libertinism by making use of the available political discourses and of the available theatrical styles, while experimenting with different styles to manipulate the bodies of both the actors and the audience. This article discusses three pornographic plays to analyze the different performative styles that were deployed to arouse discontent. The dynamics of the production of Dutch pornographic plays thus was dependent upon a combination of factors: the practice of theatrical performance in the Dutch Republic, the development of different theatrical styles, and the construction of specific varieties of (political) criticism for which Dutch pornography was used as a vehicle.
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In: Worldview, Band 16, Heft 10, S. 13-19
The colonels' coup in Greece on April 21, 1967, caught everyone by ṡurprise - the Right, the Center and the Left. Mikis Theodorakis, Greece's most gifted popular composer and maverick political "revolutionary," was tipped off by a right-wing journalist who telephoned him in the early morning hours of the coup. He went immediately into hiding and started organizing the Patriotic Front, a left-wing resistance movement based on the Lambrakis Youth Movement, of which he was the founder and president.
In: Polis: the journal for ancient greek political thought, Band 40, Heft 3, S. 369-390
ISSN: 2051-2996
Abstract
In Oedipus at Colonus Sophocles shows that neither individual reason nor piety are singularly sufficient for either individual happiness or the common good. Human understanding is dependent on a decentering of the individual, such that the reason of the wider community, including that of the gods, can augment the limitations of individual perspective. Sophocles shows not only the dependence of faith and reason on one another, but the degree to which both are dependent on reciprocal good will within a community.
In: West European politics, Band 24, Heft 2, S. 251-252
ISSN: 0140-2382
In: Latin American weekly report, Heft 37, S. 441
ISSN: 0143-5280
In: Families in society: the journal of contemporary human services, Band 56, Heft 6, S. 363-363
ISSN: 1945-1350
In: International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences, Heft 61, S. 1-6
The War Plays'trilogy (Red, Black and Ignorant, The Tin Can People and Great Peace) presents the scenario of a waste land 'with apocalyptical shades. The post nuclear environment of the plays reflects the Atmosphere of the historical period when it was written. The beginning of the eighties saw the debate about nuclear weapons and strong discussions about the Thatcher administration in this respect. Edward Bond emerged from a group of left-wing writers who joined the experimental fringe theatre in the 1970s. To make sense of this literature, we turn to content analysis to examine the trends and categorize the burgeoning management research of the past 25 years that uses content analysis. In Red Black and Ignorant characters confront the paradox. Society uses dramatists to create the drama it needs but a dramatist is not a conduit. He is responsible for what he writes, not out of duty but because discerning anything means evaluating it and this requires desire and commitment. What an author writes expresses the political position that informs his subjectivity. The way he writes shows his relation to himself, which is also his part in the social process. The relation "creates" what he writes, the limitations come from the limitations of his skill.
The introductory chapter is also published separately under title: The constitution in transition, 1910-1914. cf. Pref. to 3d edition. ; "Authorities": p. [336]-339. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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Includes index. ; "Authorities": p. [336]-339. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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Includes index. ; "Authorities": p. [336]-339. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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In: British journal of political science, Band 1, Heft 1, S. 1-24
ISSN: 0007-1234
2 main themes have been emphasized in recent description & interpretation of English pol'al behavior: one traces the stability of the pol'al system to a widespread attachment to the civic values of submission to authority & an intermittent popular participation; the other explains support for the Conservative Party (at least among the manual We) in terms of deference to a traditional elite &/or a pragmatic appraisal of that party's econ & welfare capabilities. The evidence for both themes is reviewed, an attempt is made to relate them, & some new & relevant survey data are introduced. It appears that both themes (deference & civility) are inadequate. The deference theme employed 2 diff concepts of 'deference' & stressed the less interesting one: further, 'S-cul deference' was found to be a better interpretation of Me behavior than of We behavior. The civility model was insufficiently rigorous & confused central values with a sociol'al model of behavior. The evidence suggest that a culturological perspective on att's towards democracy is more fruitful; a more explicit use of pol'al culture perspectives & theory is required if one is to concentrate on pol'al orientations & behavior, for it is these that give meaning & form to pol'al behavior & pol'al systems. IPSA.