Suchergebnisse

This article, refering especially to the España defendida, assures that the death of Felipe II meant the end of glorious counterreformist imperialism involving moral and sexual connotations dealing with masculinity, according to Quevedo's views. On the other hand, the reign of Felipe III, from the very beginning, transmitted a disastrous "feminine" corruption in the politics, society and moral standards of the nation. This view, so pesimistic, was a motivation for his satiric and neostoic works. ; Partiendo sobre todo de España defendida, en este trabajo se sostiene que la muerte de Felipe II representó para Quevedo el final de un glorioso imperialismo contrarreformista con connotaciones de virilidad tanto sexual como "moral", mientras que, desde su comienzo, el reinado de Felipe III aportó, a su entender, una desastrosa corrupción "afeminada" de la política, sociedad y moral de la nación. Se argumenta que esta visión tan sumamente pesimista fue un incentivo crucial tanto para sus obras satíricas como neo estoicas.

Until the late nineteenth century camphor, extracted from the camphor tree cinnamomum camphora native to southeast China, Taiwan, and Japan, was a luxury commodity used for religious and medicinal purposes. That changed with the invention of celluloid plastic, the world's first man-made plastic. From around 1870 forward camphor was used as an important industrial input to make celluloid, first for a variety of household goods, and then later as a backing for photographic roll film. Current literature on camphor only mentions its modern industrial uses in passing, while literature on celluloid often omit its Asian origins. This dissertation seeks to fill that gap by relying on Qing dynasty records, British Parliamentary papers, archival materials from the Celluloid Manufacturing Co. and Eastman Kodak, as well as Republican-era Chinese periodicals. I argue that camphor was an essential commodity for the development of the twentieth century modern world, and that the supply of camphor was dependent upon the political and economic conditions of imperialism in East Asia.

Racial Passages: Central American Migrants and the Condition of Non-Belonging examines the link between U.S. hemispheric dominance and Mexican settler-colonial power. Through an examination of the lives and experiences of Central American migrants, I demonstrate that the exploitation and policing of Central American subjects by Mexican state agents reinforces and furthers the U.S.'s imperial, political, and economic reach Mexico's southern border, simultaneously facilitating the Mexican nation-state's enforcement of its own physical and discursive borders. The collusion between the U.S. and Mexican governments in their respective and shared wars on drugs and terror results in dire consequences for displaced Central Americans. Rooted within the intellectual genealogies of decolonial epistemologies and anti-imperial social movements focused on the relation between US imperialism and Mexican, as well as Central American, colonial nation-building practices, Racial Passages maps the discursive and physical violence on Central American populations, highlighting historical continuities of colonial systems that produce hyper-vulnerable Central American subjects outside of space and time.

Democracy and peace rest on the ability of political institutions to channel conflict nonviolently. Most of the nearly two hundred states in the world today, however are not the product of negotiated social contracts. Rather, they came into existence as a result of political violence – imperialism, conquest, border wars, revolution, civil wars, anti-colonial independence movements, and the disintegration of empires. State formation thus often leaves a legacy of grievances and identities shaped in part by narratives and experiences of historical injury and victimization. Identity narratives are implicated not only in interstate conflict, but also in "ethnic" or "communal" conflicts within states. Can collective political action aimed at evoking empathy across the divide of identity-based enmity counter, challenge, or even disrupt these narratives of victimization and open spaces for the development or strengthening of identities committed to "what we have in common" as well as "how we are different," and thus contribute to de-escalating, mitigating, resolving, or avoiding violent conflict altogether?

The Feminist writers believe that "the personal is political", everything in this world involves power. Structures of power operate to impose gender stereotypes. Canons are shaped by power corridors. Jean Jacques Rousseau, Rene Descartes and Sigmund Freud whose theories revolutionized the world, perceived women to be incapable of rising above their bodies due to their reproductive functions. Gayatri Spivak in her essay "Three Women's Texts and Critique of Imperialism" calls Wide Sargasso Sea as "reinscription" of Bronte's Jane Eyre. Jean Rhys's protagonist are left alone in the sea of cunning and callous society. Antoinette Cosway, the protagonist of WSS is facing acute identity crisis. Rhys reveals that in her case madness is not genetic but her circumstances lead her to take extreme steps. Michel Foucault in his work Madness and Civilization argues that madness is located in society and culture rather than in mind or body. Colonial mindsets are not able to recognize the cultural differences and measure everything with yardstick of British morality.

Timur Tengah merupakan pusat keagamaan bagi muslim di seluruh dunia, termasuk Indonesia. Hubungan keagamaan antara Islam dan Timur Tengah mencakup proses politik dan sejarah yang kompleks. Perjuangan Islam puritan di era dominasi nilai imperialisme dan nilai kebaratan merupakan alasan utama penyebaran gerakan-gerakan politik Islam di berbagai belahan benua Asia. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk menguji hubungan antara gerakan politik Islam di Timur Tengah dan gerakan-gerakan yang telah berkembang di Innesia. Terdapat beberapa aspek yang perlu dipahami mengenai munculnya gerakan-gerakan politik Islam. Penyebaran gerakan-gerakan politik Islam di Indonesia telah menunjukkan perubahan signifikan sejak tahun 1970-an dan 1980-an. Perkembangan gerakan-gerakan politik Islam mulai memperoleh momentum seiring meningkatnya jumlah pelajar dan mahsiswa Indonesia yang belajar ke Timur Tengah, yang menyebabkan eratnya hubungan Indonesia dan Timur Tengah pada banyak aspek. Pada tahun 1980-an, pelajar dan mahasiswa Indonesia di Arab Saudi, Mesir dan negaranegara Timur Tengah lainnya menyerap berbagai ide terkait politik Islam atau gerakan fundamentalis Islam dari Timur Tengah.

In this article the Author describes his own experiences about life and culture in Western Europe which he gathered by traveller throughout the European continent. The Author was very disappointed with the way the Russian Government has prosecuted him because of his Ukrainian heritage. Since he wrote about the Ukrainian situation he had difficulties finding Ukrainian publishers who were willing to publish his articles and books. In his later years he wrote about his disappointment with the Russian Imperialism and openly criticised the Russian government. ; У статті автор висвітлює причини українського національного самогубства Миколи Гоголя, зв'язки його з Західною Європою, де він ознайомився з культурою і життям інших народів. Його перебування за кордоном зумовлене переслідуванням з боку російського царського уряду як українця, який писав свої праці російською мовою української тематики і мав проблеми в друкарнях. Пізніше він вобрав тематику із російського життя за царизму, яка була наскрізь правдивою. Микола Гоголь засуджував тогочасний лад, що теж викликало невдоволення царизму. Часто лікувався за кордоном: Бад Емс, Баден-Баден (Німеччина), Марієнбад (Чехія) та ін.

Departing from an exposition of the diametrically exposed foreign policy aims of the Sukarno and Suharto governments, the article attempts to see Guided Democracy's foreign policy as shaped by the anti-colonial political socialization of the nationalist elite, the ideology of the "Indonesian Revolution", the domestic competition for power and the influences of the international system, rather than to follow the simple Western explanation of Sukarno as an anti-imperialist psychopath. The study focuses on his concept of the New Emerging Forces, the attempt to forge an international united front against the status quo and for a new world order beyond imperialism and capitalism. The failure of this venture is analyzed as the result of inherent contradictions within the strategy, as due to the weak capabilities of the alliance partners, and as a consequence of international counter-alignments. Finally an attempt is made to portray the mutual influences between the domestic policy of a transformation to the left and the foreign policy of confrontation under the Peking-Djakarta axis.

Environmental degradation has become a pivotal issue in Hawai'i nowadays. The policies of United States'government and military has shaped the Hawai'ian ecology. Through the process of ecological imperialism,started from the beginning of American colonialism, both the Hawai'ian's landscape and their connection withthe environment is disrupted. Modern Hawai'ian ecology nowadays is a postcolonial ecology, which was, andstill is molded by the American imperial power. As a product of colonialism, Hawai'ians' have becomealienated with their ancestral traditions, especially regarding interrelation between human and non-human.Taking cues from Lawrence Buell's assertion that environmental crisis is a crisis of the imagination, modernHawai'ian literature tries to reorient human–non human relationship from indigenous Hawai'ianepistemology. As seen in Kiana Davenport's the House of Many Gods, traditional Hawai'ian perspective isreimagined to reterritorialize Hawai'ians in their previous environmental outlook, before the arrival of theAmericans. This study argues that by several bioregional concepts such as dwelling, and reinhabit, KianaDavenport's the House of Many Gods can be stated as a bioregional literature.

Abstract
What vision directs pan-Africanism and which developmental model does it support and promote? To answer this question, the article evaluates pan-Africanism within the demands of African modernity and locates the extent to which pan-Africanism meets the aspiration of African modernity. It argues that pan-Africanism has what amounts to a north-bound gaze and supports development imperialism, and shows that for this reason it is not properly grounded on African realities, the consequence of which is the weakness of African modernity. The article suggests a re-articulation of pan-Africanism through the ideology of pro-Africanism, which holds that autonomy and self-will are two cardinal principles that are fundamental to African self-definition but which pan-Africanism is not in a position to provide because it amounts to a subordination of African difference. It concludes that a redirection of the African vision in this direction is a worthier ideological alternative to pan-Africanism.

The compelling trope of 'Russia and the West,' or to be more precise, 'Russia Under Western Eyes,' has produced a vast and significant body of literature. This has helped in the political framing of the twentieth century as a world divided between the democratic and market-based nations of the West, and the dictatorial and state controlled countries in the Soviet East. Simultaneously, it has served to bury, blunt, and otherwise obscure perspectives from the colonized world on the East–West dichotomy. An analysis of the travel writings of two important Indian visitors to the Soviet Union, M.N. Roy and Rabindranath Tagore, shows that Europe's imperial subjects filtered their impressions of Soviet authoritarianism through their own experiences of repressive Western imperialism, thus charting a new global map of political freedom. Roy and Tagore's writings, powered by both their colonial and Soviet experiences, make a significant contribution to the twentieth-century intellectual debates on moral freedom, individualism, and authoritarianism.

Laksmi Bratakathas in Bengal are religious narratives of the eponymous Hindu goddess who presides over prosperity symbolized through an abundance of rice. The reciting of these Laksmi Bratakathas is a sacral duty of the women of the Bhadralok, which remains a popular practice even today. The period of rise and proliferation of these specific narratives, from the eighteenth century onwards, coincides with catastrophic famines with which imperialism in Bengal starts and ends and which provide the historical motivations for requesting the intervention of the goddess of plenty. But there is a deliberate mystification of hunger as Laksmi displaces the problem of famine onto the axes of vice and virtue, which are specifically located in the transgressive figure of the 'New Woman'. Since this is also the period which ushers in a new construction of gender relations, the displacement in these Bratakathas is of critical importance. The article examines the ideological framing of hunger by locating the matrices of the colliding and colluding histories of colonialism, class and gender.

Abstract
In this article, the author considers the erasure of racialized and indigenous histories from white trans archives, time lines, and cartographies of resistance. The author examines interventions by black queer and trans historiographers, critics, and activists who have attempted to reinscribe blackness into the history of LGBTTI2QQ space in Toronto. Lastly, the author considers how power and privilege influence what is allowed to be remembered, and what is considered archivable. The classic archive structure—primarily white trans and queer archives—is the allegedly neutral disembodied collection of objects that create and inscribe a narrative of struggle and resistance that always begins with whiteness and that is used too often in the service of homonationalism, gay imperialism, and the vilification of the less progressive other. The author suggests that we start with a black trans and queer history as a way to orient us toward different pasts and futures, and a radically different account of the present and what needs to change.

A position joining critical theory with the Marxist critique of imperialism informs the following discussion on the perceived shortcomings of Chibber's study in its avowed claim to disavow postcolonial theory. Chibber's insistence on reading Subaltern Studiesaspostcolonial theory is unsustainable in that it fails to address the epistemological premises of a theory adopted and not initiated by the project. Whereas Chibber does ably contest assertions made by Subaltern Studies concerning the special conditions of India halting capitalism's universalising drive, his concentrated but narrowly-focused and repetitive criticism disregards prior work contiguous to his own specialism as well as disciplines other than the social sciences. Thus the explanatory power of Uneven and Combined Development in understanding the internal conditions of societies conscripted into capitalism is cast aside, as are the resources of Marxist cultural criticism in writing a metanarrative of these consequences inallof their aspects: economic, social, cultural and experiential – omissions that paradoxically are to the fore in postcolonial theory.

In charting out the 'four ways' of eco-global criminology, this paper discusses the importance of recognising and acting in regards to the differences evident in (1) ways of being (ontology), (2) ways of knowing (epistemology), (3) ways of doing (methodology) and (4) ways of valuing (axiology). The paper assumes and asserts that global study of environmental crime is essential to the green criminology project, and particularly an eco-global criminology approach. Specific instances of criminal and harmful activity therefore need to be analysed in the context of broad international social, political, economic and ecological processes. The article outlines the key ideas of eco-global criminology, a perspective that argues that global study must always be inclusive of voices from the periphery and margins of the world's metropolitan centres, and critical of the social relations that sustain the epistemological as well as material realities and legacies of colonialism and imperialism. Yet, in doing so, there arise many paradoxes and conundrums that likewise warrant close attention.