Suchergebnisse

This article analyzes the occupational structure of 25 european union countries during the period 2000–2004. Shift-share analyses are used to decompose cross-country differences in occupational structure into within sector and between sectors effects. The static analysis for 2004 shows that the new member countries employ a lower share of skilled workers because their industry structure is biased towards less skill-intensive industries and because they use fewer skills within industries. The differences in the shares of (high-skilled) non-production workers are dominated by the between (industrial) effect. In contrast, the dynamic analysis of 2000–2004 showed that changes in the share of high-skilled non-production workers are mostly driven by within sector changes, which are probably related to skill-biased technological change. Similar trends in the countries' within effects support the catch-up of the new member countries' skills demand, while the structural developments that could equalize the industry mix of the new and old member countries are related to increased domestic demand and will probably take time.

"Nonreciprocal preferential trade arrangements are a defining feature of the relationship between developed and developing countries dating back to the colonial era. In the late 1950s, these arrangements started to take a multilateral form when members of the European Economic Community established special trade arrangements with their colonies. Since then, several trade arrangements have featured African countries among the preference-receiving countries. Yet it is not always clear how preferential these arrangements are and whether they in fact help African countries or instead lead them to perpetual dependence on specific markets and products. Richard E. Mshomba carefully examines the history of these programs and their salient features, and analyzes negotiations between the EU and African countries to form Economic Partnership Agreements. Nonreciprocal preferential trade arrangements are often unpredictable, since the duration and magnitude of preferences are at the discretion of the preference-giving countries. However, when used in conjunction with other development programs and with laws and regulations that encourage long-term investment and protect employees, they can increase economic opportunities and foster human development. This book recognizes the potential impact of nonreciprocal preferential trade arrangements and provides recommendations to increase their viability."

Introduction: institutionalizing financial stability in Europe -- Realist institutionalism: power, institutions and international order -- The TSCG and EMU reform establishing responsible sovereignty -- The ESM: stabilising the Eurozone without a fiscal union -- The SSM: supervising Europe's biggest banks -- The SRM: resolving banks without deposit insurance -- Realist institutionalism and international order

The position of small and medium size countries in international context has been studied. The main criteria of power in international relation is still the military and economic force, despite the fact that the size and resources of a country is not equivalent to its actual international influence. With the imposition of Vilsonian principles and with the creation of UN, the position of small and medium size countries has been somehow improved. It becomes even more favorable in the context of a well defined State coalition, which provides with some additional instruments of power. The European Union is the best example of a coalition providing a good framework for small and medium countries. In this article, six specifics mechanisms providing additional influence to small and medium size countries of the EU have been identified. They include the specificity of the EU legal system, decision making, the functioning of the EU bodies, the process of 'europeisation' etc.

The article analyses development of external energy policy of the European Union (EU). In spite of the Lisbon treaty didn't substantially expend EU powers in external energy policy, European Commission (EC) became more active in recent years. Decision on exchange of information about bilateral energy agreements between Member States (MSs) and third countries may deprive producers of opportunity to differentiate terms of infrastructure projects and energy supply in different MSs. European Commission participation in MSs negotiations with third countries as a guardian of energy market provisions will inevitably increase negotiation power of MSs. Nevertheless, only smooth and modest extension of powers of the EC would be possible because of opposition of numerous countries which makes a search of consensus very difficult. Among priority activities of the EU external energy policy one could identify 'export' of energy market provisions in neighbor countries; diversification of suppliers and prioritization of politically selected supply routes; dramatic increase of regulatory activity at EU level. All these activities are partially successful, but they all have some shortages. Several EU legislative and regulatory measures risk to run counter to existing obligations of MSs.

"This book traces the history of the EU competence, EU policy discourse and EU legislation in the field of criminalisation from Maastricht until the present day. It asks 'Why EU Criminal Law?' looking at what rationales the Treaty, policy document and legislation put forth when deciding whether a certain behaviour should be a criminal offence. To interpret the EU approach to criminalisation, it relies on both modern and post-modern theoretical frameworks on the legitimacy of criminal law, read jointly with the theories on the functions of EU harmonisation of national law. The book demonstrates that while EU constitutional law leans towards an effectiveness-based, enforcement-driven, understanding of criminal law, the EU has in fact in more than one instance adopted symbolic EU criminal law, ie criminal law aimed at highlighting what values are important to the EU, but which is not fit to actually deter individuals from harming such values. The book then questions whether this approach is consistent or in contradiction with the values-based constitutional identity the EU has set for itself."--

Background More than 120 000 people are diagnosed annually with bladder cancer in the 28 countries of the European Union (EU). With >40 000 people dying of it each year, it is the sixth leading cause of cancer. However, to date, no systematic cost-of-illness study has assessed the economic impact of bladder cancer in the EU. Objective To estimate the annual economic costs of bladder cancer in the EU for 2012. Design, setting, and participants Country-specific cancer cost data were estimated using aggregate data on morbidity, mortality, and health care resource use, obtained from numerous international and national sources. Outcome measurements and statistical analysis Health care costs were estimated from expenditures on primary, outpatient, emergency, and inpatient care, as well as medications. Costs of unpaid care and lost earnings due to morbidity and early death were estimated. Results and limitations Bladder cancer cost the EU €4.9 billion in 2012, with health care accounting for €2.9 billion (59%) and representing 5% of total health care cancer costs. Bladder cancer accounted for 3% of all cancer costs in the EU (€143 billion) in 2012 and represented an annual health care cost of €57 per 10 EU citizens, with costs varying >10 times between the country with the lowest cost, Bulgaria (€8 for every 10 citizens), and highest cost, Luxembourg (€93). Productivity losses and informal care represented 23% and 18% of bladder cancer costs, respectively. The quality and availability of comparable cancer-related data across the EU need further improvement. Conclusions Our results add to essential public health and policy intelligence for delivering affordable bladder cancer care systems and prioritising the allocation of public research funds. Patient summary We looked at the economic costs of bladder cancer across the European Union (EU). We found bladder cancer to cost €4.9 billion in 2012, with health care accounting for €2.9 billion. Our study provides data that can be used to inform affordable cancer care in the EU.

Membership in the European Union is the aspiration of the most European countries, especially the underdeveloped and politically still unstable, former socialist countries. Those countries strives to find economic prosperity and political stability in the EU, despite many constraints of economic and political nature. In order to help solve the problem and ensure the more successful adaptation the EU has created special financial instruments to assist candidate countries, where each country is responsible for its own progress and withdrawal of available funds. This work will search all important determinants of use of EU Pre-Accession Funds in SEE countries taking into account features and specifics of each program, as well as problems these countries are facing with. The main purpose and aim of this paper is to explore the absorption capacities of candidate countries and potential candidate countries of SEE in withdrawing funds from EU pre-accession funds. Bearing in mind the political and economic specificities, special attention will be given to its absorption capacities and the possibilities for their improvement in the existing institutional and economic framework.