Suchergebnisse

Encouraging the growth of firms is a priority for many governments, so identifying the factors that keep firms small is extremely important for public policy. One of these factors might be the poor quality of institutions. In this paper, I test whether institutions such as corruption, law and order, regulations, bureaucracy, investment friendliness of the government and property rights affect the number micro, small and medium firms and their rate of growth. This paper uses data on micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSME's) from the International Finance Corporation and firm growth data from the World Bank's Enterprise Surveys. It shows that better institutions increase the number of medium firms and encourage their growth, but do not have an effect on the number or growth of micro, small or large firms. These results suggest that changes in public policies are needed to improve institutions and foster the survival and growth of medium firms.

This study aims to assess policies and programs WASDALBIN, constraints in WASDALBIN implement the policy, the steps in implementing policies WASDALBIN PTAIS. The method used descriptive analytic. The unit of analysis of this study determined purposively, is in 3 areas Kopertais I Jakarta, Banten West Java II, and IV Surabaya, which is considered to represent the whole territory of Indonesia. Data were collected through interviews, documentation and observation studies. The result of the research shows that communication is less effective WASDALBIN policy. The policy implementers assume that WASDALBIN policy is less clear, consistent and appropriate. The quality and the proportion of inadequate resources. Performance of policy implementing is less than optimal. The structure of the bureaucracy in the implementation WASDALBIN still convoluted, making it less efficient. This weakness is almost evenly in all regions studied WASDALBI, with slight variations. Conclusion This study shows that the policy WASDALBIN on Kopertais not be implemented optimally.

This research aims to analyze the policy implementation the mayor of City Regulation Number 11, 2011 about teh Guideline of Society Empowerment Regional Program of East Palu Sub-istrict Palu City, This Researcah employed equality method. It was carried out in Tondo and Talise. East Palu Sub-district. The Informants of this research were bureucrac staff, local people, and the elderly people. Technique of ata collection was observation, interview, and library study. The research result shows that commnucation between the office and stakeholders in implementation the policy was not effective, In addition the resourches of the program Implementation had enaught quality. Dispotition and bureaucracy Structure of the proram implementation were important to was urgent to increase society capasity, not get for individuals but also for groups to solve problems for increasing life quality, self – creativity, an properity. Therefore, increasing the effectiveness quality of the city chief regulation policy implementation was actually supported by the four faktors mentioned above.

В статье анализируется история взаимоотношений государства и местного самоуправления в России. Государство первоначально законодательно устанавливает широкую автономию, ограничивает вмешательство бюрократии в дела местного самоуправления. Затем самостоятельность последнего ограничивается, и оно начинает рассматриваться как часть системы государственного управления, в отношении которой допустим административный произвол. Эта модель взаимоотношений можно признать как одну из устойчивых традиций российской государственности. ; The article analyzes the history of relations between the state and local self-government in Russia. It is argued that allowing local government is based each time at its' social nature. Therefore, the state sets out a broad legislative autonomy and limits the interference of the bureaucracy in the local government affairs. Then the local government autonomy has been reduced until it starts to be considered as part of the public administration system allowing arbitrary interference. This model can be considered as one of the longstanding traditions of the Russian state.

This article discusses factors shaping street‐level caseworkers' role in the 'personalization' of activation for people with employability and health‐related barriers to work. Rice's (2013) micro‐institutionalist framework understands street‐level bureaucracy as being defined across three levels: interactions between caseworkers and clients; the environment of the implementing organization that shapes, and is shaped by, these interactions; and the relationship between these two levels of interaction and the wider economic, policy and social context. While building on the foundations laid by previous scholars, we use Rice's framework as the starting point for a preliminary study of street‐level bureaucrats' role in compulsory activation. We analyse in‐depth interviews with caseworkers and clients involved in the UK government's main activation programme – 'The Work Programme'. Our findings support other studies and add to the literature by suggesting that a number of organizational and high‐level policy factors have contributed to an increasing standardization of street‐level practice.

AbstractFederal agencies perform many important tasks, from guarding against terrorist plots to mailing social security checks. A key question is whether Congress can effectively manage such a large and influential bureaucracy. We argue that Congress, in using oversight to ensure agency responsiveness to legislative preferences, risks harming agency morale, which could have negative long-run effects on performance and the implementation of public policy. More specifically, we argue that oversight's effects on agency morale are conditional on whether oversight is adversarial or friendly. We assess our claims using a novel data set of the frequency and tone of hearings in which federal agencies are called to testify before Congress from 1999 to 2011 and merge it with data on agency autonomy and job satisfaction. Our findings suggest that agency morale is sensitive to congressional oversight attention, and thus speak to questions regarding democratic accountability, congressional policymaking and the implementation of public policy.

AbstractThis article examines food safety failures in China to cast light on how scale has deeply affected its regulatory politics. Contrary to studies that view China's food safety challenges as primarily resulting from corruption, local obstructionism or weak state capacity, I argue that China's massive production system, unwieldy bureaucracy, and geographic size pose regulators with a more fundamental policy challenge. As they attempt to build an integrated national regulatory regime, regulators must make difficult trade-offs in cost, policy design and applicability that emphasize the interests of certain stakeholders over others, resulting in a contentious "politics of scale." The article assesses four failed scale management initiatives: food safety coordination bodies, campaigns, model production zones, and regulatory segmentation. As China transitions to scientifically assessed, risk-based forms of regulation, its pervasive food safety problem suggests the adaptive limits of China's unitary regulatory structure to manage scale and its ensuing politics effectively in a complex multilevel context.

This essay examines several works that contribute to an understanding of the nature of contemporary Chinese capitalism and its historical development. Core issues include the character of the bureaucracy, which has had a distinctive relationship to capital formation, and the character of the working class. The periodisation of Chinese capitalism and the relation between the pre- and post-reform periods are pressing political and analytical concerns. This essay suggests the advantages of a clearer focus on the dynamics of depoliticisation in understanding the transition. The contemporary left-intelligentsia in China has in large part pinned its hopes on achieving some form of ideological hegemony within theccp, maintaining that it still operates within its revolutionary tradition. This represents a questionable strategic gamble. Acknowledging the important contributions made by Au's book and other recent characterisations of China's political economy from the left, this essay suggests that there remains much to be done.

Performance measurement (PM) in the public sector has progressively broadened to cover the operation of professionals traditionally framed as independent and autonomous. How PM reconstitutes the role and conduct of professionals is critical for understanding contemporary dynamics of policy and governance, and service provider–service user relationships. Building on Lipsky's classic Street-level Bureaucracy, this paper examines the ways in which street-level professionals are reconfigured in their roles as evidenced by the operation of Australia's schooling PM, NAPLAN. The paper reports findings from a project examining the effects of PM in social policy. Attention is given to the ambiguous and conflicting goals arising from measuring literacy and numeracy performance and the varied ways performance numbers are used by management for teacher governance at the street-level. These considerations have implications for the effectiveness of PM in delivering service improvements, the experience of service users, and the achievement of policy objectives.

The record of successful developmental states in East Asia and the partial successes of developmental states in Latin America suggest several common preconditions for effective state intervention including a Weberian bureaucracy, monitoring of implementation, reciprocity (subsidies in exchange for performance), and collaborative relations between government and business. Although Brazil failed to develop the high technology manufacturing industry and exports that have fueled sustained growth in East Asia, its developmental state had a number of important, and often neglected, successes, especially in steel, automobiles, mining, ethanol, and aircraft manufacturing. Where Brazil's developmental state was less successful was in promoting sectors like information technology and nuclear energy, as well as overall social and regional equality. In addition, some isolated initiatives by state governments were also effective in promoting particular local segments of industry and agriculture. Comparisons with East Asia, highlight the central role of state enterprises in Brazil that in effect internalized monitoring and reciprocity and bypassed collaboration between business and government (that was overall rarer in Brazil).

Government policies can activate a political constituency not only by providing material resources to, or altering the interpretive experiences of, individual citizens, but also by directly subsidizing established interest groups. We argue that state laws mandating collective bargaining for public employees provided organizational subsidies to public sector labor unions that lowered the costs of mobilizing their members to political action. Exploiting variation in the timing of laws across the states and using data on the political participation of public school teachers from 1956 to 2004, we find that the enactment of a mandatory bargaining law significantly boosted subsequent political participation among teachers. We also identify increased contact from organized groups seeking to mobilize teachers as a likely mechanism that explains this finding. These results have important implications for the current debate over collective bargaining rights and for our understanding of policy feedback, political parties and interest groups, and the bureaucracy.

. intellectuals are at their best when distant from politics and power. only when intellectuals step back from governing institutions will they be able to speak truth to power. Intellectuals, therefore had to conceive of themselves as cultural worker, responsible not solely for generating ideas but also for ensuring that those ideas wound up in the minds and arguments of a thoughtful audience and public. (K. Mattson, 2002: 9, 267)Universities are introduced, without the intellectual spirit. A bureaucracy is introduced without the rigid and widespread adherence to the principal of promotion by merit, efficiency, and a public service attitude. Parliamentary democracy is introduced without the spirit of fair play, honest election, and a genuine commitment to principles. The sciences are introduced without the spirit of enquiry. The incomplete nature of the modernisation process, the substance without the spirit, is the cause of prevailing backwardness of the developing societies. (Alatas, 1977: 78-79).

This dissertation examines the political and institutional determinants of executive cabinet appointments in the young presidential democracies of East Asia. The researcher develops theories of presidential leadership strategy to explain the variation within countries, across countries, and across ministries in the patterns of cabinet partisanship, focusing on three different dimensions: executive-legislative relations, executive- bureaucracy relations, and executive-ruling party relations. These theories are tested using cabinet-level data from four democracies and an in-depth, minister-level case study of South Korea, where presidents have different incentives to appoint their party members and professional nonpartisans to the cabinet. The researcher finds that the appointment of professional nonpartisans is more prevalent in high-profile positions and with an increase in presidential influence vis-à-vis the legislature. However, the dominant type of these nonpartisan ministers varies significantly across countries with the nature of the civil service system within the executive branch

В статье обсуждаются проблемы создания в России инфраструктуры и технологий собственной системы геопозиционирования ГЛОНАСС. Работы в этом направлении проводятся с переменным успехом в течение всего постсоветского периода. Система имеет важнейшее оборонное значение и способна резко ускорить инновационные процессы в стране. Однако существуют социокультурные и социально-политические механизмы ее торможения в виде бюрократизации управления, косности управленческого мышления, системно-коррупционной мотивации в элитных кругах, где принимаются политические решения. ; The article discusses the issues of creating in Russia the infrastructure and technology of its own geolocation systems GLONASS. Work in this area is conducted with varying success during the entire post-Soviet period. The system has major defensive value and can dramatically accelerate innovation processes in the country. However, there are socio-cultural and socio-political mechanisms of inhibition in the form of the bureaucracy of government, stagnancy of management thinking, systemic corruption motivation in elite circles where political decisions are taken.

The purpose of this research is to examine the episcopate of Brescia in the Late Medieval, during a period comprehended between the second half of 13th century and the early 15th century. The large amount of written records kept in local archives allowed to investigate many aspects, especially those concerning the development of a stable bureaucracy, the constitution and the keeping of an archive. Other important aspects investigated are those concerning the personnel working for the episcopate and the people linked with this institution (notaries, central and local officers), also investigated with regard to their own careers, cultural formation, social origins. In the end, attention has paid to the relationship between the episcopate and other important political and social powers of that time (State, local aristocracy, urban elites): this relationship has been considered as another important perspective through which investigate the phenomena that involved the episcopate of Brescia during the Late Middle Age.