In: Anthropos: internationale Zeitschrift für Völker- und Sprachenkunde : international review of anthropology and linguistics : revue internationale d'ethnologie et de linguistique, Band 109, Heft 2, S. 718-719
This study examines the effects of candidate religiosity, candidate secularism, and voter fundamentalism on voters' support for a political candidate. Seven effects were tested: 1) the religiosity effect, which suggests that a religious candidate will be supported more than a nonreligious candidate; 2) the secularism effect, which suggests that a secular candidate will be supported more than a nonsecular candidate; 3) the JFK effect, which suggests that a secular religious candidate will be supported more than a nonsecular religious candidate; 4) the deviant effect--an opposite of the JFK effect--, which suggests that a secular religious candidate constitutes a group deviant, and thus will be supported less than a nonsecular religious candidate; 5) the moderating effect of voter fundamentalism, which suggests that low fundamentalists will display the secularism and JFK effects whereas high fundamentalists will display the religiosity and deviant effects; 6) the controversial issue effect, which suggests that, since secularism is a controversial issue, neither secular nor nonsecular candidates will be supported more than a candidate who says nothing about secularism; and 7) the relative amount of information effect, which suggests that adding more information about a candidate's issue positions will decrease the relative influence of other issue positions on voters' evaluation of the candidate. The study employed an experimental design. To manipulate candidate religiosity, the candidate was either described or not described as religious. To manipulate secularism, the candidate was described as favoring policies that endorsed religion-state separation, favoring policies that endorsed religion-state blending, or as not possessing any particular secularism policies. The dependent variables were the likelihood of voters to vote for the candidate, voters' attitude toward the candidate, and perceived competence and integrity of the candidate. The findings support the religiosity effect and the secularism effect, which ...
Challenging recent scholarship which has dwelt on Islamic activism, Nadje Al-Ali explores the anthropological and political significance of secular-oriented activism by focusing on the women's movement in Egypt. The author frames her work around current theoretical debates in Middle Eastern and post-colonial scholarship and interviews with members of the movement
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The process of securitization reflects the dominant security understanding, the forces that play on this security understanding in a country. In Turkey the process of securitization is experienced in close relation to militarization. Turkey has gone through an intensified process of militarization that has affected the process of securitization. These processes are constructed, but claimed to be "natural" for the securitization to work smoothly. This construction is based on a gendered understanding and discourse especially with the way that the security agenda is constituted, that helps for consolidation of the dominant security understanding. With the effect of militarization on the process of securitization, security agenda is formed with the state as the sole referent object, and this results in the individual security being taken for granted. The state can also be a source of threat for individual security within this relationship of securitization and militarization. The militarized understanding of security and the close relationship between the processes of securitization and militarization results in a hierarchical attitude towards events, developments where individual security in general and the security of women, in particular, are neglected. This paper analyzes the relationship between the securitization and militarization and shows their gendered construction in Turkey. ; This article is produced from master's thesis
The strength of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the lower house of the national parliament (Lok Sabha) of India rose from 2 in 1984 to 119 in 1991. The BJP is now in power in four states, while it is the principal opposition party in five other states. The authors examine the implications for the country's secular tradition of the mounting success of India's right-wing Hindu nationalist movement, in particular the BJP. (DÜI-Sen)