Nuclear Power in Times of International Insecurity and Environmental Crisis
In: Filozofia, Band 78, Heft 10S, S. 90-103
ISSN: 2585-7061
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In: Filozofia, Band 78, Heft 10S, S. 90-103
ISSN: 2585-7061
Blog: The Strategist
More than two years have passed since Australia released its second national action plan on women, peace and security, but the government has not yet reported on its implementation. The plan is intended to ensure ...
In: The journal of political philosophy
ISSN: 1467-9760
In: ICSID review: foreign investment law journal, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 501-507
ISSN: 2049-1999
In: Journal of human security, Band 19, Heft 1
ISSN: 1835-3800
In: LSE public policy review, Band 3, Heft 1
ISSN: 2633-4046
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In: Pensée plurielle: parole, pratiques et réflexions du social, Band 57, Heft 1, S. 19-38
ISSN: 1782-1479
Cet article retrace la consécration et l'évolution jurisprudentielle de la notion d'intérêt supérieur de l'enfant en droit de la Convention européenne des droits de l'homme et en droit de l'Union européenne. Textuellement, seule la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l'Union européenne fait référence à la notion. Cependant, au vu de l'importance de cette dernière dans la protection des droits des enfants, tant la Cour de justice de l'Union européenne que la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme se sont emparées de ce concept. Leurs jurisprudences respectives sont alors marquées par deux développements. D'un point de vue matériel, les jurisprudences strasbourgeoise et luxembourgeoise ne semblent pas avoir contribué à clarifier substantiellement la notion. Elles font, néanmoins, appel au caractère protéiforme de l'intérêt supérieur de l'enfant dans les affaires concernant des enfants, l'employant alternativement comme droit, principe interprétatif, et règle procédurale. D'un point de vue formel, les cours de Luxembourg et de Strasbourg se sont progressivement détachées des références expresses à la Convention de l'ONU relative aux droits de l'enfant. En autonomisant la notion dans leurs systèmes juridiques, les cours élaborent une protection spécifique des droits des enfants dans le système européen lato sensu .
In: Journal of African foreign affairs: (JoAFA), Band 10, Heft 2, S. 165-188
ISSN: 2056-5658
Blog: Creating a better place
The Cumbria River Restoration Strategy was developed to help improve the quality and function of three Cumbria catchments - the Rivers Eden, Derwent and Kent. From its humble beginnings to setting its sights on the World River Prize this year, read about why this programme has been so successful.
In: Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung, Band 140, Heft 1, S. 526-528
ISSN: 2304-4861
In: Revue française de science politique, Band 72, Heft 4, S. 600-605
ISSN: 1950-6686
In: Journal of intervention and statebuilding, Band 17, Heft 4, S. 434-455
ISSN: 1750-2985
In: Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales, Band 14, S. 71-106
ISSN: 2449-8483
In: Journal of Cold War studies, Band 25, Heft 1, S. 233-237
ISSN: 1531-3298
In: African and Asian studies: AAS, Band 22, Heft 1-2, S. 63-87
ISSN: 1569-2108
Abstract
IR scholars and analysts often view the African Union's apparent deference to common positions with a collectivist lens. However, in this article, I argue that the legend of common African positions (CAPs) has not yet been animated, as African leaders do not always work collectively for structural and political reasons. Two significant factors complicate analysing Africa's IR in Africa: first, Africa is not a monolith. With fifty-five states and numerous linguistic, cultural, and historical paths, there is more that is different than is the same. Second, conventional IR theories are rooted in Global North worldviews and are, therefore, not the most appropriate tool to study African countries' collective decision-making. I focus on the United Nations as the site where the Africa Group's successes and failures are saliently illustrated, specifically the Ezulwini Consensus. The Africa Group's contestation within the various UN bodies, particularly with the UN Peace and Security Council, where they have long lobbied for representation, underscores the strength and structural obstacles to Africa's collective action. Taking an interpretative approach and analysing from an epistemological and normative level, I offer an alternative lens through which to view the CAPs. Leaning on the philosophies of Ubuntu and Ujamaa, I propose a framework to explore the African Union's process of developing common positions.