Suchergebnisse

Das Open-Access-Buch untersucht am Beispiel des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR) und des Interamerikanischen Menschenrechtsgerichtshofs (IAGMR), welche Rolle innerstaatliche Gerichte bei der Umsetzung internationaler Entscheidungen wahrnehmen. Wann sind sie bereit ihre Pendants in Straßburg bzw. San José bei der Umsetzung ihrer Entscheidungen zu unterstützen und diese gleichsam unmittelbar "anzuwenden", und wo ziehen sie Grenzen und rote Linien? Was sind die Probleme, die ihnen begegnen, und befinden sich Gerichte tatsächlich im Wandel hin zu einer defensiveren und weniger völkerrechtsfreundlichen Haltung, wie einige jüngere Beispiele vermuten lassen? Das Werk widmet sich der Frage, welche Wirkungen innerstaatliche Gerichte bereit sind, den Entscheidungen der Menschenrechtsgerichte zukommen zu lassen – und zwar genau dann, wenn sich das innerstaatliche Recht nicht dazu äußert. Es zeigt auf, dass hinter der vermeintlich technischen Ausgangsfrage fundamentale Fragen verfassungsrechtlicher Natur stehen und sich am Beispiel der Menschenrechtsgerichte einige der zentralen Schwierigkeiten und Probleme zeigen, wie sie beim Zusammenspiel von Rechtsordnungen in Zeiten globalen Regierens entstehen.

Includes abstract. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; The end-goal of this study is to promote a bottom up reconstruction of international law. This implies, first, that reconstruction is necessary, and, second, that such reconstruction has substantive merit. As humanity heads into the future in 'Lifeboat Earth', a number of global storms are brewing, ranging from catastrophic environmental degradation to an economic meltdown and political instability, accompanied by grave human suffering – all of which can be addressed only through ecumenical cooperation at a global level. This, in turn, presupposes a global system of regulation. Thus far, the only regime available has been international law. Hence, it is imperative that it is (or becomes) justifiable, persuasive and relevant for all its participants and recipients. The study construes this to mean that international law must be cosmopolitan, that is, globally relevant and counter-hegemonic, and thereby emancipatory, which signifies a normative order wherein human potential can flourish.

AbstractThis article explores the transnational dimension of women's mobilization in twentieth-century Chile and the connections they established with women's international non-governmental organizations, particularly the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) and the Women's International Democratic Federation (WIDF). It sheds light on the political choices women made when forging transnational alliances to expand and make their activism more effective, together with the material and ideological dynamics that shaped their collaboration. The article analyses this topic by focusing on key but little-explored figures of women's activism in Chile – especially, but not solely, feminist academic Olga Poblete – and their personal communications with the leadership of women's organizations in the US and Europe. The article contends that, although both the WILPF and WIDF shared strengths and weaknesses in promoting their ideas and establishing links with activists in Chile, the alliances that Chilean women chose to pursue were mostly defined by their own political priorities and local contexts.

En septembre 1991, quelques semaines seulement après le putsch manqué de Moscou, la cote de popularité du président Eltsine dépassait les 80 %. Or, ce soutien national décroît rapidement. Et lorsqu'Eltsine quitte son poste à la fin de l'année 1999, c'est seulement 8 % des Russes qui ont encore confiance en ses capacités de président. Au cours de cette même période, la Russie entretient des relations de plus en plus étroites avec la Communauté européenne, puis avec l'Union européenne, et Boris Eltsine se positionne comme l'homme pouvant guider efficacement la Russie à travers les nombreuses réformes démocratiques et économiques qui se dressent sur son chemin. Cet article s'intéresse à cette dichotomie entre le soutien national et international à Boris Eltsine, en s'appuyant principalement sur les débats et les votes du parlement européen entre 1992 et 1999, ainsi que sur de nombreux sondages réalisés auprès de la population russe au cours de la même période.

AbstractThe first purpose of this article is to describe the steps for conducting a simple evaluation (usable in a variety of different types of courses and programs). The second purpose is to report results from an evaluation of the ICONS Computer-Assisted Simulation, designed to teach both international concepts and content (declarative knowledge) and negotiation strategies and skills (procedural knowledge) to university students. Several techniques are described, including rating scales, open-ended questions scored for elaboration, concept maps, and computer-assisted data collection. Two groups of students differing in type of participation were identified in the evaluation of the ICONS simulation. The first (and largest group) became highly involved in the program and valued learning from the innovative technology used; the second (and much smaller group) was less involved and preferred learning from traditional methods such as lectures and reading. Notes about tactics and decisions involved in planning and implementing the evaluation are included.

Since the early 1960s the relationship of Western European countries with Turkey has been intertwined with the high profile of migration. In the 1980s and 1990s it has been dominated by transit migration and asylum issues, and continues to develop as a hot debate on what should be done about them. With this back‐ground, the present article investigates transit migration and refugee flows in Turkey, evaluates its wider context of the formation of migration, asylum and refugee regimes between Turkey and Europe, and relates the issue of transit migration to the ongoing dynamics of globalisation. It explores the ways in which transit migration flows are associated with the politics of international migration. It does so by taking a careful look at the politics of inter‐national migratory regimes (IMRs), interpreting the word 'regime' very loosely to mean a regulatory system which operates in certain interests and distributes powers and advantages or disadvantages. It argues that the globalisation of human mobility has helped to extend inter‐national migratory movements in a form of international regulatory system.

The article discusses the market-oriented logic & the concept of distributive justice & tries to relate them with theories of exploitation. The author develops a humane, market-oriented concept implicitly expressed in the discourse of moderate liberal economic exchange. The conclusions this deductive study has attempted to bring forward are important. One is that distributional issues still have relevance in Western debate on North-South relations. Further, to sustain the fair distribution of benefits in North-South cooperation does not mean that the realities of market forces are ignored; yet the principle of equal opportunities must be brought to the core of North-South cooperation if the Western, market-oriented ethics of international relations is to become just & humane. 1 Table, 87 References. Adapted from the source document.

Dabei wird ein Überblick über die Entwicklung des internationalen Luftsicherheitsrechts von ihrem Anbeginn bis heute gegeben und der aktuelle Umgang der Staatengemeinschaft mit Bedrohungen der Sicherheit des Luftverkehrs durch staatliche und nichtstaatliche Akteure analysiert.