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"Plato's use of myths-the Myth of Metals, the Myth of Er-sits uneasily with his canonical reputation as the inventor of rational philosophy. Since the Enlightenment, interpreters like Hegel have sought to resolve this tension by treating Plato's myths as mere regrettable embellishments, irrelevant to his main enterprise. Others, such as Karl Popper, have railed against the deceptive power of myth, concluding that a tradition built on Platonic foundations can be neither rational nor desirable. Tae-Yeoun Keum challenges the premise underlying both of these positions. She argues that myth is neither irrelevant nor inimical to the ideal of rational progress. She tracks the influence of Plato's dialogues through the early modern period and on to the twentieth century, showing how pivotal figures in the history of political thought-More, Bacon, Leibniz, the German Idealists, Cassirer, and others-have been inspired by Plato's mythmaking. She finds that Plato's followers perennially raised the possibility that there is a vital role for myth in rational political thinking"--

This paper attempts to illustrate some future areas of quantitative historical research which have not yet received the attention we think they deserve. Our interest is primarily in aggregate economic systems. This emphasis is not motivated by a distaste for the analytical tools of microeconomics. On the contrary, a central premise of this paper is that macroeconomic models are ideally deduced from propositions about the behavior of individual decision-making units, and that they also critically depend on rules for the aggregation of such behavioral relationships. In fact, quantitative economic historians have long recognized the critical role played by aggregation rules in historical analysis. And, in the end, it will be the quantitative economic historian who will best be able to evaluate the efficacy of the employment of such rules in specified historical circumstances.

Since 1945, violent conflict has occurred primarily within sovereign states rather than among them. These internal conflicts have far surpassed international conflicts in lethality, economic destruction, and social upheaval. This phenomenon is diverse: no region has avoided civil wars, while the stated aims of rebel groups have ranged widely. Prominent examples include anti-colonial nationalists in Algeria, Mozambique, and Kenya; ethnic separatists in Eritrea and Bosnia; leftists in Latin America and Southeastern Asia; Islamic fundamentalists in Afghanistan, Iraq, and Syria; and income seeking warlords in Liberia and Sierra Leone. Internal conflicts have emerged in rich European countries such as the United Kingdom and Spain, and in the context of state collapse and extreme poverty in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Somalia. Some civil wars have lasted only weeks, while the longest-- in Sudan-- lasted over 40 years.Intense violent conflicts often leave core state institutions debilitated, fragmented, or, in some cases, totally destroyed. For these societies, the central tasks for ending conflict and beginning post-war recovery involve reinvigorating or reestablishing legitimate state authority. These post-war states must both win the acquiescence of the governed and develop the infrastructural power to implement state policy. The risks of conflict relapse are significant: since 1970, 44 of 111 post-war cases (40 percent) relapse into a full-fledged civil war, while 68 of 111 (61 percent) experience at least a low-level conflict. The time for policymakers to mitigate this risk is short: of post-war countries that fall back into civil war, the median time to relapse is just 35.5 months. The immediate post-war environment is therefore particularly critical for determining the political, economic, and social trajectories of conflict-affected countries. The right combination of policies can help determine whether a country recovers quickly and secures any available peace dividend, or whether it relapses and slides into a conflict trap. This dissertation explains how societies that have managed to end their civil wars are able or unable to rebuild political order in the their post-war period.This dissertation focuses on one key policy arena-- perhaps the most critical policy arena-- for post-war societies to address: the security sector. It may sound simplistic or even tautological to claim that the organization, disposition, control, and reform of armed groups are the most important task for a post-war society to undertake. It may seem obvious to stress the importance of the size, competencies, oversight, social embeddedness, and other qualities of the military, the police, the intelligence services, and any remaining armed non-state actors. But such qualities resist easy quantification, and most scholars and practitioners over the past decade have focused on economic performance, political democratization, communal reconciliation, post-conflict justice, and other "soft-power" variables to explain patterns of post-war successes and failures. The following chapters attempt to shift the conversation back to the formation and reformation of security sector actors in war-affected countries.

Front cover; Copyright; Contents; Series Foreword; Introduction; 1 W. E. B. Du Bois; 2 An Africana Philosophical Reading of Du Boisâ#x80;#x99;s Political Thought; 3 Alightings of Poetry; 4 The Imperial Miracle; 5 The People, Rhetoric, and Affect; 6 â#x80;#x9C;Honest and Earnest Criticismâ#x80;#x9D; as the â#x80;#x9C;Soul of Democracyâ#x80;#x9D;; 7 A Democracy of Differences; 8 The Cost of Liberty; 9 On Democratic Leadership and Social Change; 10 A Splendid Failure?; 11 â#x80;#x9C;Love Is God, and Work Is His Prophetâ#x80;#x9D;; Acknowledgments; Contributors; Index

Der demografische Wandel hat Deutschland fest im Griff. Die Konsequenzen dieser Entwicklung sind vielfältig und geraten in den letzten Jahren vermehrt in den Blickpunkt gesellschaftspolitischer Debatten und wissenschaftlicher Studien. Dieses Buch beschäftigt sich mit einem Aspekt des demografischen Wandels, der bislang vergleichsweise wenig Aufmerksamkeit erhielt. Seine leitende Fragestellung lautet: Welche Auswirkungen hat die gesellschaftliche Alterung auf die politischen Einstellungen und das politische Verhalten der Bevölkerung in Deutschland? Unter Verwendung verschiedener Daten und Analysemethoden wird dieser Frage aus mehreren Blickwinkeln mit jeweils unterschiedlichen thematischen Schwerpunkten nachgegangen. Dabei werden auch Projektionen zukünftiger Entwicklungen vorgelegt. In englischer Sprache. Demographic change holds Germany firmly in its grip. The consequences of this development are diverse and increasingly have come into the focus of political debates and scientific research over recent years. This book deals with one aspect of demographic change which as of yet has received comparatively little attention. Its basic question is: What consequences does the ageing society have on political attitudes and political behavior of the German population? Using various sources of data and methods of analysis this question is investigated from multiple perspectives, each with a different thematic thrust. Projections of future developments are also provided. Published in English. Reihe Studien zur Wahl- und Einstellungsforschung - Band 27.

In September 2020, the Canadian federal government designated the residential school system as an event of national historic significance and two former residential school buildings as national historic sites. They joined over 2,150 other places, people, and events that have been certified as part of Canada's official historical narrative – the majority of which celebrate the nation's imperialist history and silence Indigenous peoples. However, public representations of historic injustices that honour victims have the power to disrupt laudatory versions of the past and foster reconciliation. This paper will examine the history of Canada's commemorative efforts and its effect on the nation's collective memory, before exploring how the heritage designation framework can be decolonized in a way that respects the needs and desires of Indigenous peoples.

Fundamental to modern politics is the fact that politics of security and diplomacy are central to society. Historically, foreign and security politics have been the main priorities of the political center, conducted primarily on that level. Since 1945, these political centers have gained predominance in die U.S. In the absence of well-integrated political elites, a highly centralized political party or parties, and powerful and permanent bureaucracies and civil service, the presidential political center has become the pivotal political center with almost exclusive control over foreign affairs and national security. The locus and degree of power widiin the American political and constitutional context, rather than elite orientations and practices, are identified to explain who dominates American foreign policy.

Abstract
Raksts sniedz īsu ieskatu akadēmiskās neiroloģijas attīstībā Latvijā dažādos laika periodos, sākot no tās pirmsākumiem neilgi pēc Latvijas Republikas dibināšanas, līdz pat šim brīdim, kā arī par izcilākajām personībām neiroloģijā, kuru devums attiecīgajā zinātnes jomā ir bijis visievērojamākais.

The article discusses the phraseology of the relations between cities and princes, presented in the 12th-century Kievan (Kyivan) Chronicle. Their relations have long been studied, including the stages of the formation of the veche, the history of the so-called enthronement, and the degree of involvement of the clergy in this process. However, the researchers' attention was not focused on the relations between members of the dynasty and politically active groups (such as citizens of a certain town), when it came to preparing and conducting military campaigns, making alliances, performing the triumphal meeting of the army leader, and a number of other issues. The analysis of the description of such events reveals that the chronicler often pays attention to politically ambiguous situations, when several Rurikids claimed to be rulers of the town at the same time, and the townspeople's opinion became decisive. At this point, they could demonstrate their loyalty to the ruler by means of the steady expression "you are our knyaz", which was complementary to the phrase "you are my people". Both phrases could be part of more complex utterances that named the predecessors of the prince who had taken care of the town; enumerated certain Christian symbols, such as the shrines of the town; and contained a direct call for subsequent actions. These examples illustrate that a long tradition of creating treaty language patterns existed as early as in the 12th century.

This is an article on the phenomenon of strategic partnership, which is understood to be a special type of geopolitical and geo-economic cooperation, which, in the author's opinion, might become a fundamental element of the current globalized world's composition in the very near future. A general characteristic is given to the theoretical underpinnings of the issue, which brings us to the fact that there are no concrete definitions for the term "strategic partnership", as well as no criteria that would allow for separating the scientific perception of the term from its purely decorative application in political discourse. The author insists that each and every specific strategic partnership is developed and sustained based on a unique combination of supporting factors, and as a result the study of such processes requires using the appropriate individualized (ideographical) methods. The article offers an example in the form of analyzing one of the most telling cases of this sort – the genesis and development of strategic partnership relations between Russia and India. This study examines the emergence of "special relations" between the two nations, which have deep historical roots, while analyzing the specific profile of this relationship during the time of British dominion, and looking into the process of establishing contacts between intellectual circles. Considerable focus is dedicated to these relations turning into bilateral political cooperation after India declaring its independence, and to the dynamic of said cooperation. Based on the experience of Russia and India, certain general conditions for building strategic partnerships are formulated. While analyzing the future prospects of the strategic partnership between the Russian Federation and India, the author considers the geopolitical significance of the "Moscow-Deli- Peking" triangle, as well as the potential it bears in terms of transforming Eurasia into a territorial entity tied together by large-scale infrastructural and environmental protection projects.