Suchergebnisse

The economics of progressive taxation have been a research topic ever since economists have dealt with the economic role of the state. Old puzzles are the best: the theoretical underpinning of progressivity still is not fully convincing, even after 200 years of economic research. In the present volume the editors succeed in publishing some of the contributions of outstanding economists which present their vision of the topic. This book presents: - Contributions to the political economy of the Laffer curve by outstanding international economists like Niskanen and Peacock - New theoretical assessments of optimal direct taxation and its influence on fairness of allocations and entrepreneurial behaviour - A theoretical and empirical evaluation of the shadow economy resulting from direct and indirect taxation

Women's political representation exhibits substantial cross-national variation. While mechanisms shaping these variations are well understood for Western democracies, there is little consensus on how these same factors operate in less developed countries. Effects of two political institutions-electoral systems and gender quotas-are tested across 168 countries from 1992 to 2010. Findings indicate that key causal factors interact with a country's socioeconomic development, shifting their importance and possibly even direction at various development thresholds. Generalizing broadly across countries, therefore, does not adequately represent the effects of these political institutions. Rather, different institutional changes are advised to increase women's presence in national governments. Adapted from the source document.

We study how the political cost of enforcing a lockdown in response to the COVID- 19 outbreak relates to citizens' propensity for altruistic punishment in Italy, the early epicenter of the pandemic. Approval for the government's management of the crisis decreases with the amount of the penalties that individuals would like to see enforced for lockdown violations. People supporting stronger punishment are more likely to consider the government's reaction to the pandemic as insufficient. However, after the establishment of tougher sanctions for risky behaviors, we observe a sudden flip in support for government. Higher amounts of the desired fines become associated with a higher probability of considering the government's policy response as too extreme, lower trust in government, and lower confidence in the truthfulness of the officially provided information. Lockdowns entail a political cost that helps explain why democracies may adopt epidemiologically suboptimal policies.

Retention elections are that part of the merit selection plan designed to hold judges accountable to the public. While more than one scholar has concluded that votes cast in a retention election are often not informed evaluations of the judge's qualifications and/or conduct on the bench, the few existing systematic empirical studies have failed to explain why people vote for or against retention. This study fills part of this void by testing the hypothesis that political trust is a major cue in judicial retention voting. In contrast to most previous work which was either limited to the appellate level or to elections in a single state, the data set consists of 1,864 retention elections held from 1964 through 1984 for major trial court judges. The national trends in political trust in the last two decades are found to be reflected in the trends in the mean vote for retention.

Siyasal kampanyalar, iktidara aday olan siyasal parti ve liderler tarafındanseçmenlere ulaşmak ve onları ikna etmek amacıyla yürütülen karmaşık ve yoğuniletişim uygulamalarını içermektedir. Günümüzde profesyonel bir iş alanı halinegelmiş olan siyasal kampanya planlaması ve uygulaması daha çok sık görülmektedir.Siyasal seçimlerde bütün kampanya yöneticileri seçmenleri kendi partileriveya adayları hakkında bilgilendirmeye, onarlı ikna etmeye ve desteklerinikazanmaya çalışmaktadır. Seçmenler siyasal partiler arasında tercihte bulunurkenkendilerine sunulan alternatifler arasındaki benzerlikleri değil, farklılıkları göz önünealarak bir değerlendirme yapmakta ve kara vermektedir. Bu nedenle siyasalkampanya yöneticileri mesajlarını seçmenlerin niçin başka adayları değil de kendiadaylarını tercih etmeleri gerektiğini vurgulayacak şekilde tasarlamalıdır.Siyasal kampanyalarda bütün seçmenler hedef kitle olarak seçimlerinsonuçları açısından son derece önem ve önceliğe sahip değildir. Çünkü bütünseçmenleri tatmin edecek mesajlar üretmek, farklı noktalarda ve değişik çıkarlarıolan, hatta toplumda birbirine zıt olan kutupları mutlu edecek, onların desteğininalınmasını sağlayacak mesajlar bulmak kolay değildir. Bu nedenle kampanyayönetimi, iktidara gelmek için desteğinin kazanılması gereken seçmen kitlelerininkimlerden oluştuğunu belirleyerek mesajlarını, stratejilerini ve taktiklerini saptamalı;hangi kitle iletişim yönetimini, hangi kitle iletişim araçlarını, ne tür bir zamanlamastratejisiyle kullanması gerektiğini çok iyi planlamalıdır.Siyasal kampanya çalışmaları, klasik kampanya dönemimdekilerin aksineçok pahalı, düzenli ve ölçülü olarak yapılması gereken çalışmalardır.Teknoloji ve küresel gelişmeyle birlikte gelişmiş ülkelerle paylaşım , oralardakigelişmeleri takip etme imkanıyla birlikte ve kendi ülkemizde yeni yöntem ve tekniklerkullanılmaya başlanmıştır.Kitle iletişim araçlarını etkin ve verimli olarak kullanılması siyasalkampanya stratejisinde yeni bir dönem açmıştır. Yazılı basının yanında siyasalreklam filmleri, televizyon, internet vb. araçlar siyasal reklamcılıkta daha genişhedef kitlesine ulaşma imkanı sağlamıştır. ; Political campaigns entail complex and concentrated communicationapplications executed by the political parties and leaders, who are candidates forcoming to povver, in order to reach and convince the voters. Today, politicalcampaign planning and implementation, which has become a professional branchof business, is seen more frequently.Ali campaign managers aim at informing the voters regarding their partiesör their candidates, and convincing and gaining the support of the voters. Whenmaking a preference among political parties, the voters evaluate and reach adecision on the basis of the differences rather than the similarities of the parties. Thus,the political campaign managers must devise their messages to emphasize why thevoters should prefer their candidate över the other candidates.Ali voters are of great importance and priority as the target mass in terms ofoutcome of the elections. Because it is not that easy to create messages that shallsatisfy ali voters and make everyone at different points and with different interests,including those with conflicting interests, happy and to win their support. For thisreason, campaign management should identify the individuals forming constituentmass, of vvhich the support is required to come to povver, and determine thestrategies and tactics accordingly; and should plan thoroughly the masscommunication methods and mass communication means to be used along with thetiming strategy to be applied.On the contrary to the classical campaign period, political campaign vvorksare very expensive processes, vvhich need to be realized in a planned and measuredmanner.New methods and techniques are being implemented in our country with thepossibility of sharing with developed countries and follovving the developments insaid countries in line with the technological and global developments.Effective and productive use of mass communication means has opened anew era in political campaign strategy. Political advertisement films, television,internet ete. means have provided access to a broader target mass in politicaladvertising in addition to the printed media.

The purpose of this introductory article is to put the constitutional reconstruction that followed the collapse of Communism in 1989 in historical and macrosociological perspective. The `new constitutionalism' is considered the novel feature of the post-1989 transition to democracy, and is analytically contrasted with the old constitutionalism and the classic idea of rule of law, and with the ideological constitution-making of the intervening era. The role of constitutional courts as the typical institution of the new constitutionalism is highlighted. The concept of `constitutional politics' is developed to throw light on the process of political reconstruction, and the variation in its interface with the law is considered along a spectrum ranging from the `judicialization of politics' to the `politicization of the judiciary'. Contemporary constitutional regimes are compared with respect to their distance from ideological politico-legal regimes, the extent to which the emergency powers of the head of the state creates a situation of `dual legality', and in terms of the contribution of their major institutions to the transition to democracy.

Fondé sur une analyse secondaire de l'enquête sur l'election nationale (1974), cet article démontre l'association limitée entre l'expérience de l'impuissance et la position socio‐démographique. Il offre une explication qui ne désavoue pas l'importance de la situation sociale, mais qui souligne comment le système social fonctionne de façon à produire des aliénations différentes en conformité avec l'expérience sociale de l'individu. Enfin, il discute l'importance, pour le système politique canadien, de la grande proportion des citoyens aliénés, et particulièrement la direction idéologique qu'un tel groupe prendrait s'il était mobilisé.Based on a secondary analysis of the national election survey (1974), this paper shows the limited association between the experience of powerlessness and sociodemographic position. An explanation is offered which does not deny the importance of social position, but stresses how the social system functions to produce different kinds of alienation according to the individual's social experience. Finally, the significance for the Canadian political system of its large proportion of alienated citizens is discussed with particular concern for the ideological direction of such a group if it were mobilized

Ernesto Laclau was the philosopher whose theoretical intervention made a difference: it opened a whole path to a new kind of emancipationist thought that reoriented the political leftist position. His text, written together with Chantal Mouffe –Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Towards a Radical Democratic Politics first published in English in 1985–, gave birth to what has been known as Post-Marxism. Hegemony was crucial for the left because it was against the overwhelming conservative current which was delighted celebrating the failure of the socialist project and with it the unsuccessfulness of the Marxist theory. In an enormous gesture –that could be interpreted as a work over their Marxist heritage– they deconstruted Marxist theory in such a vast way that they ended up disintegrating its foundations. However, they persisted in the idea of social change and antagonism but this time without any possibility of reaching a dialectical resolution. ; Fil: Biglieri, Paula Andrea. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad de Buenos Aires. Facultad de Filosofía y Letras. Instituto Interdisciplinario de Estudios e Investigación de América Latina; Argentina

In the document-based article is given the analysis of foreign policy of the USSR 1940-1941 which dwells on the Soviet-Hungarian relationships on the threshold of the Great Patriotic War. A special attention is paid to highlighting peaceful friendly aspirations – though bringing no positive results - of the Soviet Union in Hungarian direction. The document-based article underlines some facts discovering a dramatic character of Soviet-Hungarian relationships on the threshold of the Great Patriotic War – the war imposed by the Nazi Germany on the USSR. The details of negotiations between the USSR and Hungary in Budapest and Moscow are discovered; the role of politicians such as Molotov, Krishtoffi, Sharonov, Chaki, Vyshinsky is shown. The facts touching Hungarian interests in Romania and Yugoslavia before the war between Germany and the USSR are given. The details of negotiations about concluding a treaty on commerce between the USSR and Hungary are discussed. The motives of the Hungarian troops' invasion to Yugoslavia are considered. A double-standard policy of Hungary under Khorti's dictatorship, its proximity with the Nazi regime which influenced Hungary's starting the war against the USSR are explained. The details on diplomacy policy of the Nazi Germany aimed at further plan-realization on occupying the territories of Eastern Europe are given. ; peer-reviewed