Suchergebnisse

The South in World Politics is a timely analysis of the influence and effectiveness of developing states in shaping the international order from the politics of the Cold War and North-South confrontation to the contemporary challenges of globalization and the rising power of emerging economies

Ch. 1. The beginning of world politics -- ch. 2. Nationalism and steam power (1789-1848) -- ch. 3. The rise of world powers (1848-1878) -- ch. 4. French colonial expansion (1830-1900) -- ch. 5. British colonial expansion (1815-1878) -- ch. 6. Consolidation of British power in the near east (1878-1885) -- ch. 7. The near eastern question (1879-1908) -- ch. 8. Russian colonial expansion (1829-1878) -- ch. 9. Consolidation of Russian power in the far east (1879-1903) -- ch. 10. Japan's first challenge to Europe : the war with China (1894-1895) -- ch. 11. The attempt to partition China (1895-1902) -- ch. 12. Japan's second challenge to Europe : the war with Russia (1904-1905) -- ch. 13. The revival of British imperialism (1895-1902) -- ch. 14. Persia and the Anglo-Russian agreement of 1907 -- ch. 15. Egypt, Morocco, and the Anglo-French agreement of 1904 -- ch. 16. The development of the German Weltpolitik (1883-1905) -- ch. 17. The Franco-German dispute over Morocco (1905-1911) -- ch. 18. The young Turk revolution and its reactions (1908-1911) -- ch. 19. Italian expansion in Africa (1882-1911) -- ch. 20. The reopening of the near eastern question by Italy (1911-1912) -- ch. 21. Intrigues of the great powers in the Balkans (1903-1912) -- ch. 22. The Balkan War against Turkey (1912-1913) -- ch. 23. The Balkan tangle (1913-1914) -- ch. 24. The Triple Entente against the central empires (1914) -- ch. 25. Italy's entrance into the Triple Entente (1915) -- ch. 26. The alinement of the Balkan states in the European War (1914-1917) -- ch. 27. China as a republic (1906-1917) -- ch. 28. Japan's third challenge to Europe : the war with Germany and the twenty-one demands on China (1914-1916) -- ch. 29. The United States in world politics (1893-1917) -- ch. 30. The United States and the Latin-American republics (1893-1917) -- ch. 31. The United States in the coalition against the central empires (1917-1918) -- ch. 32. The disintegration of the Romanoff, Hapsburg, and Ottoman Empires through self-determination propaganda (1917-1918) -- ch. 33. The attempt to create a league of nations at Paris after the defeat of Germany (1919) -- ch. 34. The refusal of the United States to ratify the treaties and enter the league (1919-1921) -- ch. 35. World politics and the treaty of Versailles (1919-1922) -- ch. 36. World politics and the treaty of St. Germain (1919-1922) -- ch. 37. World politics and the treaty of Trianon (1919-1922) -- ch. 38. World politics and the treaty of Neuilly (1919-1922) -- ch. 39. World politics and the treaty of S©·vres (1920-1922) -- ch. 40. The re©±stablishment of peace prevented by unsatisfied nationalist aspirations and divergent policies of the victors (1918-1922) -- ch. 41. The Russian revolution and its aftermath (1917-1922) -- ch. 42. Overseas possessions of "secondary states" (1815-1922) -- ch. 43. French colonial problems (1901-1922) -- ch. 44. British imperial problems (1903-1922) -- ch. 45. The foreign policy of post-bellum Japan (1919-1922) -- ch. 46. The place of the United States in the world (1920-1922) -- ch. 47. Bases of solidarity among English-speaking peoples (1922) -- ch. 48. The continuation conferences : from London to Genoa (1919-1922) -- ch. 49. The Washington conference and the limitation of armaments (1921-1922).

This book presents a unique effort to apply political philosophy to realities of the world. Among numerous objectives that states, politicians, and individuals try to reach, some are vague, like power, interest, and happiness. Some others, like democracy, order, and rule of law, are ways and means to serve more fundamental purposes. While national reunification is seen as prerequisite on the political agenda of the Peoples Republic of China and both South and North Koreas, and religious purity is regarded as essential to many Muslim communities, these are not universally accepted principal goals in the world. The author identifies and defines security, wealth, faith, justice, and freedom as five ultimate goals in world politics and explains why they are central. Without jargons and using many cases in China and other countries, the author illustrates that different countries at different times have varied priorities in their national politics, but they must provide security, sustain economic growth, set up a value system, maintain social justice, and secure personal freedom for their citizens. Although the world today has been relatively peaceful and accumulated much more wealth as compared to the past centuries, vacuums of faith and morality, conflicting beliefs, and lack of social justice are threatening mankind. In theory, the five ultimate goals should be reached simultaneously and reinforce each other. However, in practice they are often in contradiction. For example, national security might be strengthened at the expense of prosperity, and industrialization for economic growth has sacrificed nontraditional security interests such as the environment. The accumulation of wealth often results in its unequal distribution and grievances about injustice, and freedom and equality are regarded by some political thinkers as "natural enemies" to each other. A virtuous state should be able to reach all the five goals, while a bad state may not have even one of them. Looking around the world today, Denmark in Europe and Japan in Asia are closer to a virtuous state than most other countries despite their own deficiencies, but they are generally homogeneous in terms of ethnicity and culture. Singapore, with its ethnic diversity, has to limit freedom to obtain other goals. This book compares the development paths of China, the United States, and some other countries to demonstrate their advantages and disadvantages in becoming a better polity.

Rapid rates of pop increase in the major, economically aspiring, non-Communist nations imperil their econ progress, &this in turn threatens world peace. The econ difficulty is not signif'ly related to the classical conception of limited natural resources & diminishing returns attributable thereto. The difficulty is primarily due to limitation of capital needed to exploit technological advance. A problem to begin with because the poor, non-totalitarian nation finds it hard to save, it is rendered most acute by 2 other phenomena: the drain on capital supplies for purposes which do not directly improve industrial productivity, such as cultural educ; & the drain incident to converting agrarian economies into Ur ones. Finally, to this is joined the dilemma that present high fertility rates & consumers to the society relatively faster than workers. This reduces per capita incomes & thereby the volume of savings. Per capital income could increase more than twice as fast in the next 2 generations from the single influence of a 50% reduction in fertility rates & its effect on pop numbers, age distribution, & capital formation. Relevant policies for the US & other rich nations are indicated in the article, which reviews Philip M. Hauser, Ed, POPULATION AND WORLD POLITICS, Glencoe, Ill, the Free Press, 1958. AA-IPSA.

Compare all types of Governments as well as historical and present world electoral systems and reform. Our combined resource starts out with an examination of the most interesting World Political Leaders and their global impact.