Suchergebnisse

"The economic and political conditions that have led to the rise of radical right parties exist in similar form and intensity all over Europe. Yet, radical right parties have only been successful in a few countries. In Germany, the Republikaner's less than 2% of the vote is much lower than the National Front's high of 15% and the Freedom Party's 27% of the vote in national legislative elections. Why do such a small percentage of voters choose the radical right in Germany? Why is the radical right winning more seats in Austria than in France and Germany? The main argument in this book is that radical right parties will have difficulty attracting voters and winning seats in electoral systems that encourage strategic voting and/or strategic coordination by the mainstream parties. The analysis demonstrates that electoral systems and party strategy play a key role in the success of the radical right."--Jacket

Existing research on the voting behavior of the urban poor in the Third World has frequently suggested that demand aggregation by political parties (especially in a multiparty system) is not clear-cut, and that the urban poor do not tend to demonstrate marked party or ideological preferences. By replicating, deepening, and extending an early study done in Lima, Peru, new research reveals patterns of candidate and party support hitherto unidentified. District-level aggregate voting data and multiple-indicator census data reveal some clear patterns of support from low-income groups for opposition and leftist candidates.

Local urban development is not determined by a collection of non-political and essentially technical measures prepared by professionals and civil servants in municipalities, but in fact strongly depends on the political nature of policy decisions and organised local interests. The planning of local urban development is, therefore, significantly influenced by political decisions based on the promises set out by political parties in their programmes. Thus, the direction of local development and the dynamics of urban growth cannot be fully understood without a thorough understanding of the views presented in party programmes. This paper aims to map the differences in Slovenian parliamentary party preferences related to local urban development across the political spectrum as well as over time (from 1990 to 2014). By implementing computer-assisted content analysis of 96 party programmes and election manifestos conventionally recognised as thematic text analysis, we identified an alarming image of the political landscape of Slovenia concerning topics related to local urban development. The analysis revealed that the majority of parties utilise local urban development concepts on a declarative level, with most dimensions of sustainable urban development being virtually absent. Adapted from the source document.

Tests Albert Hirschman's (1970) theory of organizational loyalty, drawing on various data that measure the internal dynamics of the Italian Communist Party after Achille Occhetto's proposal to transform it into a postcommunist leftist party. According to Hirschman, members have two means of expressing their displeasure with an organization: openly via voice or abandonment (exit). Occhetto's proposal led to the departure of a dissident faction & the formation of a separate party. However, analysis of the voting preferences of ordinary party members during debates on this issue indicate that voice & exit were associated. Regions that voiced the most opposition to Occhetto's proposal also tended to be those in which party membership declined the most. Further, while loyalty to the organization was found to inhibit exit, this was not the case with respect to ideologically driven loyalty. It is concluded that Hirschman's theory needs to be reconceptualized to capture the intense feelings at work when political parties undergo radical change. 28 References. D. M. Smith

The purpose of this thesis is to map and assess the organisational and ideological development of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform party, the ELDR. More specifically, it seeks to analyse the degree of integration between the members of the ELDR over time, to identify factors that may or may not generate integration, to relate the development of the ELDR to earlier research about European parties, and finally to contribute to the ongoing debate about whether or not the traditional national party families are about to establish parties at the European level. The thesis is based on the assumption that parties adapt to their environment, in this case, the system of multi-level governance that characterises the European Union. As the European parties are composed of national parties, they are also dependent on the member parties' opportunities and motives for cooperation. If there is integration, we can, however, not only expect the European parties to adapt to their environment. As they become independent actors, they may also influence their environment. In other words, we can anticipate interaction between the European and national levels that leads to mutual adaptation, or Europeanisation. To be able to capture the interaction between the two levels, theories from international relations and comparative politics are combined. Based on interviews, participant observation, documentary research and content analysis of European election manifestos, the analyses shows that the members of the ELDR have over time reached a rather advanced level of integration, both organisationally and ideologically. Although it is possible to identify constraining factors to this development, the ELDR has, at least from what is known from literature, reached about the same level of development as the two other European parties, the Christian democratic EPP and the Social democratic PES. The internal integration of the ELDR is the outcome of a successive transfer of power from the member parties to the ELDR. By now, the ELDR can therefore be defined as a rather independent actor and as a type of party at the European level. This type of party is, however, not comparable to national parties. It is instead adapted to the institutional structure of the European Union, with, at least partly, a different organisation and different functions from those of national parties. ; digitalisering@umu

In this work the author analyses ideological fundamentals European Green parties originated from, as well as the principles upon they based their political ideology. Specially stressed are the post materialistic values as an important cause of the Green parties development from environmental movements. In the same context, the following political principles of these parties are considered: ecology, peace, nonviolence, grassroots democracy justice, multicultural democracy, sustainable development, etc. The author defines the Green parties ideology as a group of values and practice, that is, as a homogeneous, consistent, holistic and hegemonistis ideology which includes all significant social problems of the contemporary industrial civilization. ; Autor u radu analizira ideološke korene nastanka partija Zelenih u Evropi kao i principe na kojima se zasniva njihova politička ideologija. Poseban naglasak je dat na postmaterijalističkim vrednostima kao važnom uzroku nastanka partija Zelenih iz ekoloških pokreta. U tom kontekstu razmatraju se i politički principi ovih partija kao što su: ekologija, mir, nenasilje neposredna demokratija, pravda, multikulturna demokratija, održivi razvoj itd. Autor ideologiju partija Zelenih definiše kao skup vrednosti i prakse odnosno kao homogenu, konzistentnu, holističku i hegemonističku ideologiju kojom su obuhvaćeni svi važni društveni problemi savremene industrijske civilizacije.

The huge inflow of asylum seekers to European countries in the early 1990s drove those countries to initiate policies that restricted asylum seekers' rights and benefits. Were these policies spontaneous responses to the mounting inflow or instead political outcomes determined by political factors such as partisanship and election timing? Analyzing data on the introduction of policies that restricted asylum seekers' welfare benefits and rights in 13 European countries from 1981 to 2000, this article finds that upcoming elections increase the likelihood of policy introduction. This election effect is greater in the presence of right-wing parties. These results imply that policies regarding asylum seekers' welfare benefits have been utilized by right-wing parties for electoral purposes. Therefore, these policies should be understood as the outcome of political choices. Adapted from the source document.