Suchergebnisse

The European Centre for Disease Prevention and Control (ECDC) and the European Respiratory Society (ERS) jointly developed European Union Standards for Tuberculosis Care (ESTC) aimed at providing European Union (EU)-tailored standards for the diagnosis, treatment and prevention of tuberculosis (TB). The International Standards for TB Care (ISTC) were developed in the global context and are not always adapted to the EU setting and practices. The majority of EU countries have the resources and capacity to implement higher standards to further secure quality TB diagnosis, treatment and prevention. On this basis, the ESTC were developed as standards specifically tailored to the EU setting. A panel of 30 international experts, led by a writing group and the ERS and ECDC, identified and developed the 21 ESTC in the areas of diagnosis, treatment, HIV and comorbid conditions, and public health and prevention. The ISTCs formed the basis for the 21 standards, upon which additional EU adaptations and supplements were developed. These patient-centred standards are targeted to clinicians and public health workers, providing an easy-to-use resource, guiding through all required activities to ensure optimal diagnosis, treatment and prevention of TB. These will support EU health programmes to identify and develop optimal procedures for TB care, control and elimination.

The Treaty of Amsterdam launched the European Employment Strategy, a supranational non-binding instrument to boost employment rates and competitiveness. The open method of coordination, a new governance regulatory instrument, rules this common strategy. The article argues that the framing effect of soft law is significant to policy-making across states, especially in the case of policy formulation. The analysis is grounded in the argument that to understand the effect of foreign non-binding governance instruments researchers studying these types of governance instruments should unpack the black box of policy-making and focus on process. Specifically, the article contributes to the literature on Europeanization by studying an instance of soft Europeanization. To sustain and illustrate my argument, I present data from interviews conducted in the European Union, in Sweden, Spain, and Belgium at the national and sub national levels.

Despite the diverse interests of Presidents, Congress, and the State Department, this book argues that US foreign policy on transitional justice is surprisingly consistent, characterised by an approach that is value-driven, strategic, and retributive, and that has influenced the field as a whole.

Investigates the socioeconomic structures of the member nations of the European Union (EU) using data on the agricultural, industrial, & services sectors gathered by various international organizations. Socioeconomic structure is defined as the social arrangements with respect to ownership & control of the means of production & their allocation in the production of goods & services. Results reveal a significant gap between the northern & southern states of the EU. In agriculture, the socioeconomic structures of the South, particularly in Portugal & Greece, more closely resemble those of developing than advanced countries. Further, while the North tends to specialize in human capital accumulation, the South focuses on intensive-resource products. This difference is exacerbated by the large gap in expenditures on social security between North & South. It is argued that the push toward uniformity of these structures will require either massive investment or the development of a preferential treatment program for the South. 2 Tables, 28 References. D. M. Smith

Existing research on exceptionalism in foreign policy suggests a number of confrontational features making it a threat to peaceful international relations. Largely based on US and European cases, and hardly ever taking a comparative approach, this literature overlooks a variety of exceptionalisms in non-Western countries, including so called "rising powers" such as China and India. A comparison between exceptionalist foreign policy discourses of the United States, China, India, and Turkey shows that exceptionalism is neither exclusive to the United States, nor a "new" phenomenon within rising powers, nor necessarily confrontational, unilateralist, or exemptionalist. As a prerequisite for comparative work, we establish two features common to all exceptionalist foreign policy discourses. In essence, such discourses are informed by supposedly universal values derived from a particular civilization heritage or political history. In order to systematize different versions of exceptionalism, we then propose four ideal types, each of which reflects exceptionalism's common trait of a claim to moral superiority and uniqueness but diverges across other important dimensions, with implications for its potentially offensive character. The article concludes by formulating a research agenda for future comparative work on exceptionalist foreign policy discourses and their repercussions for great power relations and global politics.