Suchergebnisse

Introduction. The great role of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921 in national history, itsimpact on modernity, actualizes a comprehensive study of conscious factors that determined the behavior of themasses, namely political culture, the content of the Ukrainian peasantry in the period of major socio-politicaltransformations and confl icts.Purpose. The aim of the article is to try to fi nd out how the revolutionary and state-building processes of theperiod 1917-1921 were determined by the dominants of the political culture of Ukrainian rural society. The mainobjectives of the article are to highlight and analyze the features of the political consciousness of the peasantryand the forms of social behavior of peasants and their struggle for the realization of their socio-political ideals.Methods. The methodological basis of the study is the socio-cultural approach, which allows us to explainhow the political culture of the Ukrainian peasantry determined the socio-political processes in 1917-1921.Results. It is determined that the principles of political culture of the Ukrainian peasantry, concentrated inthe socio-political formula «Land and Freedom», accumulated peasant ideals of ownership or lifelong use of land,freedom, democratic representation, equality, fair society, priority of labor.In the process of socio-political transformations, the peasants really felt that they could play a leading rolein political life and embody their interests. This was demonstrated by examples of joint voting of peasants invarious forums, and especially the practice of self-organization of numerous self-defense units and insurgentgroups. However, along with the positive aspects of solving socio-political problems, the self-organization of thepeasants was often directed not against the organization and support of the state and government, but against thegovernment.Conclusion. The article notes that the political culture of the peasants was closely connected with thesocial and veche, Cossack in spirit ideas of the state and power, which were characterized by egalitarianism anddemocracy. However, it was a democracy of a traditional society with patriarchal veche elements, which was notfocused on the reproduction of the entire state and social vertical of power, but focused mainly on the lower, rurallevel of administrative-territorial division. Democratic self-government was understood by the peasants as selfgovernment of the rural community in the form of the east, as the embodiment of democracy in the form of Soviets.The type of democracy seen by the peasants as a system of relations based on participation in decision-making byall members of the rural community or persons delegated to it can be described as agrarian democracy ; Мета статті полягає у тому, щоб дослідити, яким чином революційні та державотворчі процесиперіоду 1917-1921 рр. детермінувалися домінантами політичної культури українського сільського соціуму. Основнимизавданнями статті є висвітлення та аналіз особливостей політичної свідомості селянства та обумовлених цимиособливостями форм соціальної поведінки селян і їх боротьби за реалізацію своїх соціально-політичних ідеалів, якіоб'єктивно впливали на процеси державного будівництва революційної доби 1917-1921 рр. Висновки. Авторомз'ясовано, яким чином революційні та державотворчі процеси періоду Української революції 1917–1921 рр.детермінувалися домінантними рисами політичної культури українського селянства. Висвітлено та проаналізованоособливості політичної свідомості селянства та зумовлених цими особливостями форм соціальної поведінки селян,які об'єктивно впливали на процеси державного будівництва революційної доби 1917–1921 рр. У статті зазначено,щ о політична культура селян тісно пов'язувалася з громадсько-вічовими, козацькими за духом уявленнями продержаву та владу, які відзначалися егалітаризмом та демократизмом. Однак, це була демократія традиційногосуспільства з патріархальними вічовими елементами, яка орієнтувалася не на відтворення всієї державно-суспільноївертикалі влади, а спрямовувалася переважно на нижній, сільський рівень адміністративно-територіального поділу.Демократичне самоврядування розумілося селянам, як самоврядування сільської громади у вигляді сходу, як втіленнянародовладдя у формі Рад. Тип народовладдя, що бачився селянами як система відносин, основаних на участі уприйнятті рішень усіма представниками сільської громади або делегованими нею особами, можна кваліфікувати якаграрну демократію.

Aquest capítol és una mirada al coneixement i el saber situats i insurgents, als «sentipensars» fundats sobre els elements ancestrals i camperols de dues lamngen que acompanyen dones en els seus projectes socials i polítics. El text sosté que no és possible pensar l'esclat social d'octubre de 2019 com un esdeveniment particular en la nostra història política i social de postdicturadura cívica i militar, com tampoc en el procés històric, polític, social i cultural de colonització. Ambdues dones entreteixeixen les revoltes que fa dècades que es viuen en els seus territoris amb la gran revolta de Xile que esclata a Santiago. Les seves veus situades ens mostren l'impacte de les desigualtats, les discriminacions i les violències que s'entrecreuen en les vides de les dones maputxes, i com avui la pandèmia deixa tot això cruament al descobert. Totes dues autores ens mostren com els feminismes, per si sols, no aconsegueixen explicar què les mobilitza, les empeny a organitzar-se i a exigir drets com a dones maputxes. Les autores ens conviden a mirar les seves resistències històriques al capitalisme neoliberal extractivista, individualista, patriarcal, racista i colonialista, com projectes polítics futurs del Xile que escriurem a la nova Constitució. ; This paper looks into those insurgent situated knowledge and «feelings-thoughts» based on the ancestral, peasant traditions of two lamngen (or women) specializing in accompanying women in the implementation of their social and political projects. The article holds that it is not possible to conceive the social outbreak that took place in October 2019 as a particular event in our social and political history as a civil and military post-dictatorship, or in our historical, political, social and cultural process of colonisation. Both lamngen weave together the revolts going on for decades in their territories and the Chilean great revolt which broke out in Santiago. Their situated voices show us the impact of the inequality, the discrimination and the violence that mark the lives of Mapuche women, as well as how the present pandemic crudely exposes them all. Both women show us how feminism alone cannot explain the impulse behind their mobilisation, their organisation and their demands for their rights as Mapuche women. The authors invite us to look at their historical resistance to neoliberal, extractivist, individualist, patriarchal, racist and colonialist capitalism as future political projects for the Chile that we shall draft in our new Constitution. ; Este capítulo es una mirada al conocimiento y saber situado e insurgente, a los sentipensares que se fundan en lo ancestral y campesino de dos lamngen que acompañan a mujeres en sus proyectos sociales y políticos. El texto sostiene que no es posible pensar el Estallido de octubre del 2019, como un evento particular de nuestra historia política y social de postdictadura cívico y militar, así como tampoco del proceso histórico, político, social y cultural de colonización. Ambas entretejen las revueltas que se viven hace décadas en sus territorios, con la gran revuelta de Chile que estalla en Santiago. Estas voces situadas nos muestran el impacto de las desigualdades, discriminaciones y violencias que se entrecruzan en las vidas de las mujeres mapuche, y cómo la pandemia hoy deja al desnudo aquello. Ambas autoras nos muestran cómo los feminismos por si solos no logran explicar qué las moviliza a organizarse y exigir derechos como mujeres mapuche. Las autoras nos invitan a mirar sus resistencias históricas al capitalismo neoliberal extractivista, individualista, patriarcal, racista y colonialista, como proyectos políticos futuros del Chile que escribiremos en la nueva Constitución.

Referring to the war in Afghanistan is of great relevance since it has been the longest in the history of the United States of America, lasting for about twenty years, and apparently "coming to an end" with the announcement of Joe Biden, the current President of the United States, to withdraw 3,500 military personnel who still remain on Afghan soil until August 31st of this year; precisely when remembering almost twenty years of the terrorist attack perpetrated to the United States, where approximately 3,000 people lost their lives, and which triggered the beginning of the war in Afghanistan back in 2001. Such an extended war in time, it has been classified into five phases, out of which the present study bases its analysis in part on the events occurred during the second phase, established from 2002 to 2008, and specifically focuses on the emblematic Anaconda operation, which took place between March 2 and 16, 2002. This study aims to analyze historically and documented, the military conduct of the Anaconda operation based on the current military doctrine of both the Armed Forces of Ecuador and the Armed Forces of the United States (i.e. for being the protagonists of the war in Afghanistan). This study also analyzes the series of violated human during the war, despite the existence of international humanitarian law conventions that protect people and property compromised in the conflict areas. Among other aspects, this investigation highlights the importance of effective leadership to achieve the success of military operations based on an effective leadership that considers doctrinal aspects such as the characteristics of the enemy and the battlefield, the way of maneuver and decisive action to achieve the mission. ; Hablar de la guerra de Afganistán es de gran importancia, por cuanto ha sido la más larga de la historia de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, con una duración de aproximadamente veinte años, que parece "ir llegando a su fin" con el anuncio por parte del actual presidente de los Estados Unidos Joe Biden, de retirar a 3500 efectivos militares que aún permanecen en tierras afganas hasta el 31 de agosto del año en curso; justamente luego de veinte años del ataque terrorista perpetrado a los Estados Unidos donde aproximadamente 3000 personas perdieron sus vidas, y que detonó el inicio de la guerra en Afganistán. Por la prolongada duración de esta guerra, se la clasifica en cinco fases, de las cuales el presente estudio basa su análisis en parte de los acontecimientos acaecidos durante la segunda fase, establecida desde 2002 hasta 2008, y específicamente se enfoca en la emblemática operación Anaconda, que tuvo lugar entre el 2 y 16 de marzo de 2002. El objetivo del presente estudio es, por consiguiente, analizar de manera histórica, documentada y fundamentada en la doctrina militar vigente tanto de las Fuerzas Armadas del Ecuador y de las Fuerzas Armadas de los Estados Unidos (por ser las protagonistas de la guerra) la conducción militar terrestre de la operación Anaconda. El alcance es analizar la serie de derechos humanos que fueron vulnerados durante la guerra, a pesar de existir convenios del derecho internacional humanitario que protegen a las personas y los bienes afectados. Las conclusiones que se desprenden de ésta investigación, entre otros aspectos, resaltan la trascendencia de un liderazgo efectivo para lograr el éxito de las operaciones basado en una conducción militar fundamentada en aspectos doctrinarios como son las características del enemigo y del campo de batalla, la forma de maniobra y la acción decisiva para alcanzar la conquista del objetivo final.

Given the conditions of inequality and violence that popular women experience in Latin America, there are multiple forms of collective women's actions that face oppression and that are defined according to what affects their bodies and territories. Popular women, urban and rural, have engaged in a series of social movements and movements, whether mixed or exclusively by women. However, its role in the political struggle is often made invisible. Sometimes, even in the set of guidelines understood as feminists. With this in mind, we pose the following question: How can we broaden our vision as militant and theorists in order to embrace a greater diversity of women and feminist agendas in what we define as the 'struggle of women and feminism in our continent from life and struggle popular women? To this end, we conducted a brief retelling of the history of the struggles of women from the popular classes in the Latin American context, paying special attention to their articulations around the "sustainability of life". At the end, we incorporated some notes on the impact and confrontation of the Covid-19 pandemic on the lives of popular women, with an emphasis on the Brazilian context of rural women and on the reconfigurations or strengthening of established solidarity networks. The guiding thread of the dialogue is the reflection on the theoretical-political-epistemic contributions given by the struggle praxis of popular women to the struggle of women and feminists in Latin America. ; Dadas las condiciones de desigualdad y violencia que viven las mujeres populares en América Latina, existen múltiples formas de acciones colectivas de mujeres que enfrentan la opresión y que se definen de acuerdo a lo que afecta sus cuerpos y territorios. Las mujeres populares, urbanas y rurales, se han involucrado en una serie de movilizaciones y movimientos sociales, ya sean mixtos o exclusivamente de mujeres, sin embargo, su papel en la lucha política suele ser invisible, a veces incluso en el conjunto de agendas entendidas como feministas. Con eso en mente, nos planteamos la siguiente pregunta: ¿Cómo podemos ampliar nuestra visión como teóricas militantes para abarcar una mayor diversidad de mujeres y agendas feministas en lo que definimos como la 'lucha de mujeres y feminismos' en nuestro continente desde la vida y lucha de las mujeres populares? Para ello, realizamos un breve recuento de la historia de las luchas de las mujeres de las clases populares en el contexto latinoamericano, prestando especial atención a sus articulaciones en torno a la "sostenibilidad de la vida". ; Dadas as condições de desigualdade e violência que as mulheres populares vivenciam na América Latina, existem múltiplas formas de ações coletivas femininas que fazem enfrentamento às opressões e que são definidas de acordo com aquilo que afeta seus corpos e territórios. As mulheres populares, urbanas e rurais, têm se engajado em uma série de mobilizações e movimentos sociais, sejam mistos ou exclusivamente de mulheres. No entanto, seu papel na luta política é recorrentemente invisibilizado. Por vezes, mesmo no conjunto de pautas compreendidas como feministas. Tendo isso em consideração, propomos a seguinte questão: Como podemos ampliar nossa visão como teóricas militantes a fim de abarcar uma diversidade maior de mulheres e pautas feministas naquilo que definimos como 'luta das mulheres e feminismos' em nosso continente a partir da vida e luta de mulheres populares? Para isso, realizamos um breve recontar histórico das lutas das mulheres das classes populares no contexto latino-americano, dando atenção especial às suas articulações em torno a "sustentabilidade da vida".

The port of Granadilla de Abona in Tenerife (the first new plant built in Spain since 2012), is the most guarded of the Spanish port network after being one of the works that has received the most environmental protests in the history of the European Union. Its inauguration in 2018, fourteen years late and after three hundred million euros of public investment, entailed a reduction of two thirds on its initial dimensions and the implementation of novel measures to offset the expected environmental impact, including the creation of a permanent scientific observatory. The analysis carried out in this article of the effect that the port and the works have generated on the natural environment of the area, indicates that the forecasts of the expected environmental impact on the three elements that generated the greatest social alarm during their planning were not correct, with an error of more than 90% in the calculation of the accumulation of sand that its installation would produce, as well as maintaining the seagrass meadows that were believed to disappear and without causing the announced tipping on the beaches of the area. ; El puerto de Granadilla de Abona en Tenerife (el primero de nueva planta construido en España desde 2012), es el más vigilado de la red portuaria española tras ser una de las obras que más protestas medioambientales ha recibido en la historia de la Unión Europea. Su inauguración en 2018, con catorce años de retraso y tras trescientos millones de euros de inversión pública, conllevó una reducción de dos tercios sobre sus dimensiones iniciales y la puesta en marcha de novedosas medidas para compensar el impacto ambiental previsto, incluida la creación de un observatorio científico permanente. El análisis realizado en este artículo de la afección que el puerto y las obras ha generado sobre el entorno natural de la zona, indica que no fueron correctas las previsiones del impacto ambiental previsto sobre los tres elementos que mayor alarma social generaron durante su planificación, con un error superior al 90% en el cálculo de la acumulación de arena que produciría su instalación, así como manteniéndose las praderas submarinas que se creía que desaparecerían y sin producirse tampoco el basculamiento anunciado en las playas de la zona. ; Le port de Granadilla de Abona à Tenerife (la première nouvelle usine construite en Espagne depuis 2012), est le plus étroitement surveillé du réseau portuaire espagnol après avoir été l'un des ouvrages qui a reçu le plus de protestations environnementales dans l'histoire de l'Union européenne . Son inauguration en 2018, avec quatorze ans de retard et après trois cents millions d'euros d'investissement public, a entraîné une réduction des deux tiers de ses dimensions initiales et la mise en place de mesures inédites pour compenser l'impact environnemental attendu, dont la création d'un observatoire scientifique permanent. L'analyse effectuée dans cet article de l'effet que le port et les travaux ont généré sur l'environnement naturel de la zone, indique que les prévisions de l'impact environnemental attendu sur les trois éléments qui ont généré la plus grande alarme sociale lors de leur planification n'étaient pas correcte, avec une erreur de plus de 90 % dans le calcul de l'accumulation de sable que produirait son installation, ainsi que le maintien des prairies sous-marines que l'on croyait disparaître et sans provoquer le basculement annoncé sur les plages de la zone.

El rendimiento académico se puede definir como el conjunto de destrezas y capacidades del alumnado para demostrar sus conocimientos sobre diferentes áreas. Actualmente, es uno de los motivos de preocupación e interés para todos los gobiernos ya que se encuentra relacionado con el desarrollo educativo y económico de un país. Especialmente, a raíz de la crisis sanitaria, se ha puesto especial interés en la capacidad de adaptación del alumnado para afrontar nuevas situaciones, resiliencia. Según otros estudios existe relación entre la resiliencia y el rendimiento académico y entre las funciones ejecutivas y este mismo. Para este estudio el objetivo fue analizar en qué medida cada una de estas variables, además del género, podían explicar la variable dependiente: rendimiento académico. Participaron 177 adolescentes de los cursos desde 1º hasta 4º de ESO, de los cuales el 55,4% eran hombres. Todos ellos eran alumnos de un mismo centro educativo. Para la evaluación de los problemas en el funcionamiento ejecutivo se utilizó el BRIEF-2. Para evaluar la capacidad de resiliencia se utilizó el cuestionario Connor-Davidson. Por último, para medir el rendimiento académico se tuvo en cuenta la media de las notas de las asignaturas: lengua, matemáticas, inglés, educación física y geografía e historia. Las tres variables (género, funcionamiento ejecutivo y resiliencia) quedaron incluidas en el modelo que resultó significativo con un valor explicativo del rendimiento académico de (R2= .276; p< .05). El género fue la variable que más contribuyó al rendimiento académico (β = .54), seguido de los problemas en el funcionamiento ejecutivo (β = -.33) y la resiliencia (β = .20). Estos resultados abordan la importancia de desarrollar programas de desarrollo del funcionamiento ejecutivo y de la resiliencia en adolescentes, especialmente del género masculino, para la mejora del rendimiento académico. Estas competencias son de gran importancia en el desempeño de funciones no solo académicas, sino de habilidades para la vida. ; Academic performance can be defined as the set of student s skills and abilities to demonstrate their knowledge in different areas. Currently, it is one of the reasons of concern and interest for all governments since it is related to the educational and economic development of a country. Especially, as a result of the health crisis, special interest has been placed on the adaptability of students to face new situations, resilience. According to other studies, there is a relationship between resilience and academic performance and between executive functions and academic performance. For this study, the objective was to analyze to what extent each of these variables, in addition to gender, could explain the dependent variable: academic performance. 177 adolescents participated in the courses from 1st to 4th of ESO, of which 55.4% were men. All of them were students from the same educational center. For the evaluation of problems in executive functioning, the BRIEF-2 was used. To assess resilience capacity, the Connor- Davidson questionnaire was used. Finally, to measure academic performance, the average of the grades for the subjects was taken into account: language, mathematics, English, physical education, and geography and history. The three variables (gender, executive functioning and resilience) were included in the model, which was significant with an explanatory value of academic performance of (R2 = .276; p <.05). Gender was the variable that contributed the most to academic performance (β = .54), followed by problems in executive functioning (β = -.33) and resilience (β = .20). These results address the importance of developing executive functioning and resilience development programs in adolescents, especially males, to improve academic performance. These competencies are of great importance in the performance of not only academic functions, but also life skills. ; peerReviewed

The framework of the global pandemic due to COVID-19 has altered the lives of billions of people, but it has also generated one of the greatest health impacts in recent international history, with more than a million people dead and 32 one billion people infected. However, the pandemic highlights the conditions that were already pre-existing and that reflect the inequality with which entire countries, societies, individuals and social classes can cope with this global threat. In this context of crisis, multinational companies are already threatening different States in the region and outside of it to file lawsuits before international arbitration bodies in order to demand the protection of their investments against the measures taken by the different governments in the world to contain the spread of COVID-19. The presentation will deal with the investor-State dispute settlement system, which will be one more version of the crisis caused by the global pandemic, and how this will deepen the crisis by removing public resources that could be used to sustain health systems and national economies. thus increasing inequalities rather than helping to solve them. ; el marco de la pandemia global por el COVID-19 ha alterado la vida de miles de millones de personas, pero también ha generado uno de los mayores impactos en la historia internacional reciente en materia sanitaria, con aproximadamente 4.22 millones de personas fallecidas (Our World In Data, 26/09/2021b) y más de 206 millones de personas infectadas desde el inicio de la pandemia al 26 de septiembre de 2021 (Our World In Data, 26/09/2021a). Sin embargo, la pandemia hace relucir las condiciones que ya eran preexistentes y que reflejan la desigualdad con la que países enteros, sociedades, individuos y clases sociales pueden hacer frente a esta amenaza global. En este marco de crisis, las empresas multinacionales ya están amenazando a distintos Estados en la región y fuera de ella a entablar demandas ante organismos de arbitraje internacional a fin de reclamar la protección de sus inversiones en contra de las medidas tomadas por los diferentes gobiernos en el mundo para contener la propagación del COVID-19. La presentación versará sobre cómo el sistema de solución de controversias inversor-Estado va a ser una versión más de la crisis provocada por la pandemia global, y cómo ello profundizará la crisis quitando recursos públicos que podrían utilizarse para sostener los sistemas sanitarios y las economías nacionales, incrementando así las desigualdades en vez de ayudar a resolverlas. ; O quadro de pandemia global devido à COVID-19 alterou a vida de bilhões de pessoas, mas também gerou um dos maiores impactos à saúde na história internacional recente, com mais de um milhão de mortos e 32 bilhões de infectados. No entanto, a pandemia destaca as condições que já existiam e que refletem a desigualdade com que países, sociedades, indivíduos e classes sociais inteiros podem lidar com essa ameaça global. Nesse contexto de crise, empresas multinacionais já ameaçam diversos Estados da região e de fora dela a entrar com ações judiciais perante órgãos arbitrais internacionais para exigir a proteção de seus investimentos contra as medidas de diversos governos do mundo para conter a disseminação do COVID-19.A apresentação se concentrará no sistema de solução de controvérsias investidor-Estado, que será mais uma versão da crise causada pela pandemia global, e como isso aprofundará a crise ao retirar recursos públicos que poderiam ser usados para sustentar os sistemas de saúde e as economias nacionais aumentando assim as desigualdades em vez de ajudar a resolvê-las.

Bu yüksek lisans tezinde Soğuk Savaş sonrası oluşan yeni Dünya düzeninde, Dünya haritasında üstünlük kuran ABD'nin, tek kutup olarak lider sürdürdüğü uluslararası sahnede Rusya ile yaşadığı güç mücadelesi hegemonya ve enerji bağlamında tarih boyunca önemli bir coğrafi konumda bulunan Baltık Deniz'i ve Doğu Akdeniz iki deniz hattı üzerinden ele alınmaktadır. Geçmişten günümüze enerji kaynaklarına ulaşmak ve sahip olmak her zaman kritik bir öneme sahip olmuştur. Gelişen teknoloji ve küreselleşen Dünya ile yeni enerji sahaları keşfedilmiş ve enerji ihtiyacı artan dünya nüfusu ile artmıştır. Soğuk Savaş süreci sonrası geçiş dönemini atlatan Rusya Federasyonu sahip olduğu enerji kaynakları ve kurduğu ilişkiler ile Dünya sahnesine tekrar büyük bir güç olarak kendine yer bulmuştur. Bölgesel olarak gücünü pekiştiren Rusya bu süreç sonrasında ise Dünya düzeninin hegemonik gücü Amerika Birleşik Devletleri ile mücadeleye girmiştir. Bu mücadele güç kavramı ve enerjinin önemi bakımından analiz edilmiştir. Tarihsel süreçte geçirilen aşamalar Realizm ilkesi çerçevesinde değerlendirilmiştir. Realizme göre sistemde temel aktör devletlerdir ve gücünü fazla artıran veya tehdit oluşturan devletlere karşı güç dengesi siyaseti ABD-Rusya çatışması çerçevesinde incelenmiş ve bu güç mücadelesi Dünya sahnesindeki diğer devletlerin bu güç çatışmasında aldığı pozisyonlar ve politikalar ile analiz edilmiştir. Dünya sahnesinde yükselen Çin Halk Cumhuriyeti ve Avrupa Birliği lokomotifi Almanya bu mücadelede önemli bir konumdadır. Jeopolitik olarak güç mücadelesine sahne olan bu coğrafyada enerjinin ulusların izlediği politikada önemi vurgulanmış ve uluslararası ilişkiler teorileri ile politikalar hegemonya mücadelesi bağlamında değerlendirilmiştir. ; In this master's thesis, in the new World order formed after the Cold War, the power struggle of the USA, which has gained dominance on the world map, with Russia on the international stage, where it maintains as the leader as a single pole, is the Baltic Sea and the Eastern Mediterranean, which have been in an important geographical position throughout history in terms of hegemony and energy It is handled over two sea lines. From past to present, reaching and owning energy resources has always been of critical importance. With the developing technology and the globalizing world, new energy fields have been discovered and the need for energy has increased with the increasing world population. The Russian Federation, which has survived the transition period after the Cold War process, has once again found its place on the world stage as a great power with its energy resources and relations it has established. Russia, which strengthened its power regionally, entered into a struggle with the United States of America, the hegemonic power of the world order after this process. This struggle has been analyzed in terms of the concept of power and the importance of energy. The stages passed in the historical process have been evaluated within the framework of the principle of Realism. According to realism, the main actor in the system is the states, and the balance of power policy against the states that increase their power too much or pose a threat has been examined within the framework of the US-Russia conflict, and this power struggle has been analyzed with the positions and policies of other states on the world stage in this power conflict. Rising on the world stage, the People's Republic of China and Germany, the locomotive of the European Union, have an important position in this struggle. In this geography, which is the scene of a geopolitical power struggle, the importance of energy in the politics of the nations has been emphasized and international relations theories and policies have been evaluated in the context of the struggle for hegemony.

El rendimiento académico se puede definir como el conjunto de destrezas y capacidades del alumnado para demostrar sus conocimientos sobre diferentes áreas. Actualmente, es uno de los motivos de preocupación e interés para todos los gobiernos ya que se encuentra relacionado con el desarrollo educativo y económico de un país. Especialmente, a raíz de la crisis sanitaria, se ha puesto especial interés en la capacidad de adaptación del alumnado para afrontar nuevas situaciones, resiliencia. Según otros estudios existe relación entre la resiliencia y el rendimiento académico y entre las funciones ejecutivas y este mismo. Para este estudio el objetivo fue analizar en qué medida cada una de estas variables, además del género, podían explicar la variable dependiente: rendimiento académico. Participaron 177 adolescentes de los cursos desde 1º hasta 4º de ESO, de los cuales el 55,4% eran hombres. Todos ellos eran alumnos de un mismo centro educativo. Para la evaluación de los problemas en el funcionamiento ejecutivo se utilizó el BRIEF-2. Para evaluar la capacidad de resiliencia se utilizó el cuestionario Connor-Davidson. Por último, para medir el rendimiento académico se tuvo en cuenta la media de las notas de las asignaturas: lengua, matemáticas, inglés, educación física y geografía e historia. Las tres variables (género, funcionamiento ejecutivo y resiliencia) quedaron incluidas en el modelo que resultó significativo con un valor explicativo del rendimiento académico de (R2= .276; p< .05). El género fue la variable que más contribuyó al rendimiento académico (β = .54), seguido de los problemas en el funcionamiento ejecutivo (β = -.33) y la resiliencia (β = .20). Estos resultados abordan la importancia de desarrollar programas de desarrollo del funcionamiento ejecutivo y de la resiliencia en adolescentes, especialmente del género masculino, para la mejora del rendimiento académico. Estas competencias son de gran importancia en el desempeño de funciones no solo académicas, sino de habilidades para la vida. Academic performance can be defined as the set of student s skills and abilities to demonstrate theirknowledge in different areas. Currently, it is one of the reasons of concern and interest for all governments sinceit is related to the educational and economic development of a country. Especially, as a result of the health crisis,special interest has been placed on the adaptability of students to face new situations, resilience. According toother studies, there is a relationship between resilience and academic performance and between executive func-tions and academic performance. For this study, the objective was to analyze to what extent each of these variables,in addition to gender, could explain the dependent variable: academic performance. 177 adolescents participatedin the courses from 1st to 4th of ESO, of which 55.4% were men. All of them were students from the same edu-cational center. For the evaluation of problems in executive functioning, the BRIEF-2 was used. To assess resilien-ce capacity, the Connor- Davidson questionnaire was used. Finally, to measure academic performance, the averageof the grades for the subjects was taken into account: language, mathematics, English, physical education, and geography and history. The three variables (gender, executive functioning and resilience) were included in themodel, which was significant with an explanatory value of academic performance of (R2 = .276; p <.05). Genderwas the variable that contributed the most to academic performance (β= .54), followed by problems in executivefunctioning (β= -.33) and resilience (β= .20). These results address the importance of developing executivefunctioning and resilience development programs in adolescents, especially males, to improve academic perfor-mance. These competencies are of great importance in the performance of not only academic functions, but alsolife skills.

The history of higher education in Russia and the near abroad is inseparably connected with the activity of higher education institutions administrators and their teaching and scholarly activity. They were the people who implemented the government policy in the sphere of higher education. In the 1920–40s, the academic and scholarly activity in the Soviet higher education institutions depended, to a large extent, on the change of the socio-political situation in the country. This was reflected in the fates of those who headed higher school administrations. The authors' study of political and professional activity of higher school administrators can provide an objective assessment of their activity as managers, pedagogues and scholars. In this regard, the study the life of Solomon Zakharovich Katsenbogen – a sociologist, philosopher, pedagogue and higher school administrator becomes especially interesting and urgent. The 100th anniversary of the foundation of the Belarusian State University and the 90th anniversary of the foundation of Sverdlovsk State Pedagogical Institute (now Ural State Pedagogical University) can also serve as very good reasons for the publication of this material. The article deals with the work of S. Z. Katsenbogen under the conditions of the change in the socio-political life taking place in the USSR in the second half of the 1930s – 1940s. It is the first attempt to study his professional activity as a lecturer and administrator at the higher education institutions of the Urals, and first of all at Sverdlovsk State Pedagogical Institute. The article analyzes the political leanings and behavior of S. Z. Katsenbogen under the conditions of the Stalinist regime, which was responsible for false allegations against him: suspiciousness and distrust in relation to colleagues and slowdown in scholarly activity because of fear of criticism for political reasons. At the same time, the authors make a conclusion about a positive contribution of the professor to the improvement of the functioning of higher schools in the Urals: a new approach to the organization of planning of scientific activity of higher education institutions, the creation of the system of control of the conduct of lectures and tutorials by teachers on the part of the heads of departments and higher school administration. Under the conditions of mass repression, S. Z. Katsenbogen did not become a slanderer and careerist; he sincerely believed that due to his hard work and moral behavior, he would eventually have his party disciplinary penalties withdrawn. His colleagues – pedagogues of the higher education institutions of the Urals – also believed in this, but he never achieved rehabilitation from the party officials. The fate of professor Katsenbogen was to a great extent highly typical of the historical situation in the country during Joseph Stalin's rule. In this perspective, the aim of the article is to reveal the consequences of the impact of political factors and peculiarities of the social life of the period of 1935–1946 on the activity of the higher school administrator, scholar and pedagogue. On the other hand, the authors tried to carry out their investigation within the framework of the historical-anthropological approach, in which a person functions as an active historical subject, as a historical factor, and as a bearer of a political culture and mentality. To achieve the aim and the tasks of the study, it is important to expand the investigation source base now as a result of publicizing a number of archival materials previously inaccessible for historians.

This research tries to fill a gap that Tucuman historiography that has not yet been addressed: the social policy of radicalism in the province during the 1920s, which presented particular characteristics as it was closely linked to the vicissitudes of the sugar industry - the main source of financing of the provincial State- and the replicas of the industrialists before the development of such public policies. Part of a broad objective that refers to the visions of some aspects of the social question that entrepreneurs had, such as work in sugar mills, healthcare, housing, education -translated in many cases into the creation and maintenance of school premises -for workers and their families, as well as provision for old age, disability and death of workers due to work accidents. This approach is framed within the guidelines of Social History also attending to the political, in the aspiration to contribute to discovering the determining factors of politics on the social and at the same time unraveling the influences of politics on the social. This research attempts to approach the understanding of the political and social actions and strategies that sugar entrepreneurs articulated, as objects and subjects of politics, in relation to their participation in the development of the sugar industry. Sugar entrepreneurs constituted the most dynamic sector of the Tucumán elite. Sustaining their economic power required intense political action before the national powers to obtain customs legislation that was favorable to the industry, in the same way that they needed to exercise the greatest possible control over the provincial State, while political participation was an inseparable activity of its businesses and regulator of social sectors. ; Esta investigación intenta llenar un vacío que la historiografía tucumana no ha abordado aún: la política social del radicalismo en la provincia durante la década del 20, que presenta características particulares en tanto estuvo estrechamente vinculada a la vicisitudes de la industria azucarera -fuente principal del financiamiento del Estado provincial- y las replicas de los industriales ante el desarrollo de tales políticas públicas. Parte de un objetivo amplio que se refiere a las visiones que los empresarios tenían frente a algunos aspectos de la cuestión social, como el trabajo en los ingenios, la atención a la salud, a la vivienda, a la educación – traducida en muchos casos en la creación y mantenimiento de locales escolares -de los obreros y sus familias así como la previsión ante la vejez, la incapacidad y muerte de los trabajadores ante accidentes laborales. Este enfoque se enmarca dentro de los lineamientos de la Historia Social atendiendo también a lo político, en la aspiración de contribuir a descubrir los condicionantes de la política sobre lo social y a la vez desentrañar las influencias de la política sobre lo social. Esta investigación intenta acercarse a la comprensión de las acciones y estrategias políticas y sociales que articularon los empresarios azucareros en su condición de objetos y sujetos de la política, en relación a su participación en el desarrollo de la industria azucarera. Los empresarios azucareros constituyeron el sector más dinámico de la elite tucumana. El sustento de su poder económico requirió de una intensa acción política ante los poderes nacionales para obtener una legislación aduanera favorable a la industria, del mismo modo que necesitaron ejercer el mayor control posible sobre el Estado provincial en tanto la participación política era una actividad indisociable de sus negocios y reguladora de los sectores sociales.

The process of abandonment of Sardinian villages is a topic of great interest nowadays, not only in various research fields, but also in political debate and in public opinion. The evolution of the Sardinian settlement system has been studied since the 1960s. But only recently these studies are turning, in a multidisciplinary way, towards the analysis of the current phenomenon, in order to understand the contemporary role of these villages, which are at the same time a fundamental component of landscape and cultural heritage. In this framework, the historic design and conservation group of the Department of civil engineering and architecture of the University of Cagliari has started a collaboration with the Department of political and social sciences of the same University. The aim is the development of an interdisciplinary research focused on a deeper knowledge of depopulated villages as a premise to find new meanings for them, analyzing their tangible and intangible characters. This team work constitutes the foundations for a shared methodological approach, based in particular on the definition of a common glossary and taxonomy aimed at the potential reuse of this historical-architectural heritage, and on the proposal of synoptic visions of the phenomenon. At the moment, this interdisciplinary research might be directed towards different objectives, ranging from the deepening of knowledge up to the definition of intervention strategies, both on a territorial and architectural scale. This work covers the preliminary phase of this analysis, exploring the issue of values in architecture as an interpretative method aimed at supporting programs and plans of reuse or re-signification actions for small towns in Sardinia. The recognition of the historical, architectural and landscape qualities of these villages, supported by the analysis of socio-psychological values, allows to define the cultural significance of the individual nodes of the villages settlement network, paying also particular attention to their current or potential importance for the communities that live and use them, in a stable, temporary or marginal way. The methodological protocol, already tested on other categories of heritage characterized by a systemic distribution on the territory, is therefore aimed at interpreting the representations of the Sardinian settlement system offered by different fields of study. It is based on matrices that relate values of different nature, linked to architecture, history, psychology, sociology, economics etc., in order to translate the deep meanings of the small towns system into a holistic, composite and univocal representation, and thus to define strategies for their enhancement. As part of this contribution, the application of the method focuses specifically on two categories of values: the material ones which include architectural, historical, environmental values, and the immaterial features, linked instead to socio-psychological issues. The collaboration between the two disciplinary areas allows to identify, on the one hand, those values immediately connected to historic conservation and design, and on the other, the strategies for detecting the different degrees of knowledge, perception and representation of cultural heritage by local populations: this allows to consider also the importance of depopulated villages for the local close communities, and to perceive the architectural fullness, that is the relationship between forms and people which (re)live this places. The identified values, brought back to the two material and immaterial categories, become elements of a matrix capable of making them comparable and, finally, useful for the definition of enhancement strategies not limited to a mono-disciplinary perspective.

2018 was marked by a variety of celebrations of the 100th anniversary of Poland's independence. Therefore, it was impossible to ignore this great event also in terms of scientific reflection. We decided to include into this and the next issue a few interesting cultural studies on various aspects of the regained independence. The first mini cycle is comprised of three ar­ticles is dominated by research on the prefiguration of what happened in 1918. Włodzimierz Toruń (KUL) analyzes a few sketches, or rather, liter­ary essays by Cyprian Norwid, written after the fall of the January Upris­ing (1864), expressing the poet's critical views on the Polish roads to na­tional sovereignty. The Poles "know how combat" but they "do not know how to fight," Norwid writes, at the same time pointing to the importance of spiritual independence, which in his opinion is more meaningful than the political one. Wilhelm Coindre (UKSW) turns toward interesting in­dependence themes in the works of Maria Dąbrowska. The school strike in Kalisz in 1905 became an inspiration for that writer to undertake deep reflection about what the coming independence is to be like. The triptych is closed by the article by Karol Samsel (UW) on a little-known "post-ro­manticistally entangled" intellectual independence journalism of Joseph Conrad, providing a very interesting analysis from the perspective of the intertextual method, as a precise deconstruction of a highly sophisticated, elegant "literary game." The second part of the issue consists of a number of highly diverse, but in any case interesting essays. The team of five authors (a setting to which we are not accustomed to in the humanities): Aleksandra Smołka- Majchrzak, Jakub Lickiewicz, Thomas Nag, Conrad Ravnanger, and Marta Makara-Studzińska present the results of their research combining clinical medicine and cultural studies, analyzing the effectiveness of tools to evaluate training geared to prevent aggressive behavior towards medi­cal staff from an intercultural perspective. Further, we include a cross-sec­tional, historical-cultural analysis of the significance of church music in the history of the Church by Fr. Robert Tyrała (UPJPII). An interesting proposal for interpretation of contemporary marketing strategies of book promotion, and more broadly, the "celebritization" of authors, was stud­ied by Edyta Żyrek-Horodyska (Jagiellonian University) on the example of a journalist and writer-reporter Mariusz Szczygieł, who perfectly illus­trates these transformations in the space of media activity (especially so­cial media), where the writer becomes not only an author but also a pro­tagonist of their work. The media study by Olga Białek-Szwed (KUL), in which the author aims to present correlations between contemporary civi­lization and cultural transformations and the situation of the human be­ing as a consumer of the mass media in the 21st century, shows the speci­ficity of some mechanisms governing contemporary media, such as media voyeurism, the so-called online living, or the metaphor of the synopticon. The issue closes with a text by Paweł Krokosz (UPJPII), under the in­triguing title Od przedawcy pierożków do generalissimusa [From pie seller to the generalissimo], bringing closer the little-known figure of Alexander Mienshykov, a man from the social lowlands, who made friends with Tsar Peter I and managed to achieve considerable wealth, prominent state posi­tions and the highest ranks of command in the Russian army and war fleet. He even tried unsuccessfully, after the tsar's death, to take over the leader­ship of all state affairs. In 1727, he was arrested and convicted to exile in Berezovo, Siberia, with his family. As always, we wish you a pleasant and useful scientific reading!

Economic growth in Africa accelerated in the new millennium, enhancing confidence in the continent's future. Positive developments have taken place in the liberalization of trade and markets, in the strengthening of institutions and policies, and in investments in human and social capital and infrastructure. However, the growth has not trickled down to the large number of rural people experiencing chronic or crisis-driven hunger and poverty. Thus, Africa has had a larger proportion of extreme poor than any other region of the world. Most of Africa's poor are rural and most rely largely on crops, livestock, trees and fish – along with off-farm income – for their livelihoods. The improvement of agriculture, particularly smallholder farming systems, is fundamental to overcoming the problems of rural poverty and lagging rural economies. The African rural development context is unique and diverse, in its geography, agro-ecology, history, politics and culture. National and regional decision makers face the challenge of identifying the best agricultural and rural development opportunities with the greatest impact on food security, livelihoods and economic growth. Experience has shown that policy and investment decisions must be better grounded in local context-specific analyses, incorporating multi-stakeholder and systems approaches focused on the livelihood strategies and opportunities of farm men and women. The value of targeting technologies and policies to different farming systems has been recognized in the Science Agenda of the Forum for Agricultural Research in Africa (FARA). At the opening of the new millennium an FAO/World Bank analysis was published that examined rural development opportunities over the period from 2000 to 2015 from the perspective of farm households in major farming systems of the developing world (Dixon et al. 2001; www.fao.org/farmingsystems/). The analysis classified and mapped farming systems, including those of Africa, examined the drivers of change for the 2000–2015 period and identified strategic priorities for each system. This farming system framework and analysis has proved to be valuable for targeting and prioritizing agricultural research and development initiatives and has been used repeatedly – for example, by the InterAcademy Council report on Africa, the Millennium Villages Project, the CGIAR Collaborative Research Programs, and others. Given the major changes in African agricultural opportunities, it was time for an update of the 2000 FAO/World Bank analysis of African farming systems looking forward from 2015 to 2030. Since 2000 the African population has increased by a third, dynamism has returned to many African economies and regional agricultural research and development organizations have generated and disseminated many new varieties and practices – but farm household vulnerability and international market volatility have increased. The Australian Centre for International Agricultural Research supported an update, with assistance and guidance from the New Partnership for Africa's Development, the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, the CGIAR, the World Bank, and the Food and Agricultural Organization. The work was coordinated by the World Agroforestry Centre (ICRAF) in Nairobi. More than 60 scientists and development professionals, working in multi-disciplinary teams, assessed constraints, trends and strategic interventions in the 15 major farming systems across the continent. The analysis integrated key recent strategic reports and a wealth of expert knowledge and spatial data – including natural resource, production, infrastructural and nutritional information from FAO, World Bank, CGIAR, International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA) and other sources. The resulting book provides a unique systematic, forward-looking, compendium of continent-wide farming system assessments and databases for agribusiness, policy makers and science leaders. The document will undoubtedly be a fundamental guide for years to come for prioritization and targeting of public and private investments to deliver food and nutrition security and rural transformation in Africa.

Tarih boyunca önemli bir coğrafyada bulunan ve önemli bir güç olan Rusya, devlet geleneğinde bulunan yayılmacı politikasıyla başka devletlere çoğu kez müdahalelerde bulunmuştur. Sovyetler Birliği'nin halefi olarak ortaya çıkan Rusya Federasyonu da Vladimir Putin ile beraber büyük güç statüsüne sıklıkla vurgu yapmış, dış ve güvenlik politikalarında çok kutupluluğu vurgulayan pragmatik politikalar izlemiştir. Rus ulusal çıkarların korunması bağlamında yakın çevreye özel bir önem veren Rusya, uluslararası arenada saygın bir aktör olarak görülme ve etkin politikalar izlemesinin yolunun yakın çevre üzerinde nüfuz kurmaktan geçtiğini düşünmüştür. Bu bağlamda Rusya için yakın çevrede öne çıkan aktör Ukrayna olmuştur. Ukrayna jeopolitik konumunun yanı sıra, boru hatları transit geçiş noktası konumunda olması ve Rusya'nın askeri üssünün bulunduğu Kırım'daki Sivastopol askeri üssüne ev sahipliği yapmasıyla önemli bir devlet konumundadır. Ukrayna bu söz konusu konumu dolayısıyla sadece Rusya için değil ABD ve AB için de dikkate alınması gereken bir aktör olmuştur. Bir yanda Batı diğer yanda Rusya gibi iki aktör arasında kalan Ukrayna çok yönlü politikalar izlemeye özen göstermiştir. Batı'nın bu ülkeyi, NATO'ya üye yapma ve AB'ye entegre etme kararlılığı, Rusya'nın Avrasya Ekonomik Birliği'ne çekme çabaları ile çatışınca Rusya Kırım'a müdahale bulunmuş ve bu bölgeyi ilhak etmiştir. Bu çalışmada da Rusya'nın Kırım'a müdahalesi saldırgan realizm yaklaşımı perspektifinde incelenmiş ve Rusya'yı Kırım'a müdahaleye iten saikler değerlendirilmiştir. Çalışmada Rusya'nın Kırım'a müdahale etmesinde Ukrayna ile olan tarihsel, kültürel ve duygusal motivasyonların yanında Kırım'ın Rus jeopolitiğinde arz ettiği konumun da çok önemli olduğu sonucuna varılmıştır. Bununla beraber Rusya'yı müdahaleye iten esas saikin, konjonktürel gelişmeler neticesinde önüne çıkan fırsatlar olduğu görülmüş ve Rusya taktiksel bir eylemle bu fırsatları avantaja çevirmiştir. ; Russia, which has stretched over a strategic region and has been a major power throughout the history, has intervened in other states with respect to the expansionist policy existing in its state tradition. Starting with Vladimir Putin's power, Russia Federation, which emerged as the successor of the Soviet Union, has also emphasized the concept of great power frequently and pursued a pragmatic policy laying weight on multipolarity in foreign and security policies. As part of paying special attention to the immediate vicinity to protect Russian national interests, Russia has concluded that the only way to be regarded a respected actor in the international arena and pursue effective policies is to dominate the neighbouring regions. In this regard, Ukraine was the prominent actor in the immediate vicinity for Russia. In addition to its geopolitical location, Ukraine is regarded an important state as it harbours the transit pipelines and the Russian Sevastopol military base in Crimea. Due to this location, Ukraine has been an actor to be paid special attention not only by Russia, but also by the USA and the EU. Remaining in between the West and Russia, Ukraine has elaborated to devise multidirectional policies. When the western determination to make this state a NATO member and integrate it with the EU clashed with Russian efforts to make it a part of Eurasia Economic Union, Russia intervened in Crimea and annexed this region. This study analyzes the Russian intervention in Crimea in the framework of offensive realism and reviews the motives leading Russia to the intervention in Crimea. The study concludes that the Russian intervention in Crimea results from Crimean position in Russian geopolitics in addition to Russian historical, cultural and emotional motivations with Ukraine. Yet, it is obvious that the basic motive for Russian intervention were opportunities which emerged as a result of cyclical developments, and Russia has exploited these opportunities with a tactical action and turned it into an advantage.