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The reissue of Carl Schmitt's most important works, Political Theology and he Concept of the Political, offers the opportunity for reflection on Schmitt's pervasive influence over myriad fields of political and legal studies and for re-evaluation of the basic tenets of his thought. In these works, the conservative Weimar jurist unveiled his theory of 'the exception,' put forth his 'friend/enemy' thesis of politics, and insisted that Enlightenment rationality had undermined the European state, leaving it vulnerable to the forces of atheism, anarchism, and socialism that were taking root in Soviet Russia. Among other issues, this article explores Schmitt's Janus-faced critique of liberalism: For Schmitt, liberals are either not worthy to be considered enemies because they deny the inevitability of mortal combat, or they are, in fact, consummate enemies because they successfully punish and destroy adversaries under the cover of universal, humanitarian principles. The article also interrogates the status of morality in Schmitt's conception of the political-specifically, whether the categories of good and evil inform the distinction between friend and enemy, or whether the political operates in a sphere completely autonomous of morality and theology. Adapted from the source document.

Urban planning has always been a preeminent instrument of political power. In this volume, contributions from Europe and Latin America provide insight into the functions of planning under very different political and societal constellations over the last hundred years: dictatorships, parliamentary democracies, and illiberalism; capitalism and state socialism; state interventionism and neoliberalism; societies in times of peace and societies marked by colonial, civil, world, or cold wars.

The dictatorships of the 1920s and 1930s made extensive use of the potential of planning for economic growth, for brutal repression, but also for the integration of certain population groups and as an effective means of propaganda. The legacy of these dictatorships still characterizes many European cities today and confronts planning with complex tasks. Dictatorial state socialism planned to establish a new social order with a particular technocratic rationality, which did not, however, cancel completely the tendential autonomy of the professional planning sphere. Parliamentary democracies and illiberal regimes have developed specific new practices of using planning to rebuild cities in the interests of neoliberal economic growth and populistic legitimization of power.

Histories of Urban Planning and Political Power takes the next steps in significantly expanding our understanding of planning and politics. The book will be of interest to students and scholars of urbanism, urban/town planning, spatial planning, spatial politics, urban development, urban policies, and planning history and European history of the 20th century.

The Open Access version of this book, available at http://www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND) 4.0 license.

We investigate perceptions of tweets marked with the #BlackLivesMatter and #AllLivesMatter hashtags, as well as how the presence or absence of those hashtags changed the meaning and subsequent interpretation of tweets in U.S. participants. We found a strong effect of partisanship on perceptions of the tweets, such that participants on the political left were more likely to view #AllLivesMatter tweets as racist and offensive, while participants on the political right were more likely to view #BlackLivesMatter tweets as racist and offensive. Moreover, we found that political identity explained evaluation results far better than other measured demographics. Additionally, to assess the influence of hashtags themselves, we removed them from tweets in which they originally appeared and added them to selected neutral tweets. Our results have implications for our understanding of how social identity, and particularly political identity, shapes how individuals perceive and engage with the world.

"This book explores the struggle to define the meaning of self-government in Pennsylvania in the years following the Declaration of Independence. In 1776, radicals mobilized the people to overthrow the Colonial Assembly and adopt a new constitution, one that which established that average citizens always retained the right to exercise their sovereignty directly. While highly participatory, this system proved unwieldy and chaotic. In the 1780s, political moderates learned to harness various forms of "popular" mobilization to establish themselves as the legitimate spokesmen of the entire citizenry. Thus the very meaning of democracy changed, solidifying around party politics and elections, enabling a small group of white men to set the framework for what self-government means in the United States to this day"--

We explore the effect of political party alignment on the likelihood of undertaking charitable behaviour, as captured by making monetary donations and volunteering, as well as on the amount of money donated and the number of hours volunteered. Using data from the most recent large scale UK household longitudinal survey, this is one of the first studies to explore the relationship between political affiliation and charitable behaviour using panel data. Being affiliated to the Labour Party relative to being affiliated to the Conservative Party (the most right wing political party in our analysis) is negatively associated with both the probability of donating money to charity and the proportion of income donated to charity. In contrast, these effects are found to be positive in the case of the Liberal Democrats and the Green Party. With respect to volunteering, we find that, whilst affiliations with the Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats relative to being affiliated to the Conservative Party are negatively associated with the probability of being a volunteer, affiliations with the Labour Party and the Liberal Democrats are positively associated with the number of hours volunteered conditional on being a volunteer.

The Internet is often presented as a devastating tool in the hands terrorists. This is a truth in need of modification. Drawing on insights from studies of Sunni extremists, Breivik and Anonymous, the article assesses claims about terrorists' use of the Internet in planning and executing political violence. It finds, first, that the anarchical, anonymous Internet spurs mistrust and fragmentation, rendering it more, not less difficult for terrorists to maintain a coherent strategy. Second, the article notes how most violent individuals seek real life interactions, guns and explosions rather than organize terrorism online or hacking in solitude behind a computer screen. It is primarily the socially marginalized who find the Internet appealing in organizing and executing terrorism.

The Internet is often presented as a devastating tool in the hands terrorists. This is a truth in need of modification. Drawing on insights from studies of Sunni extremists, Breivik and Anonymous, the article assesses claims about terrorists' use of the Internet in planning and executing political violence. It finds, first, that the anarchical, anonymous Internet spurs mistrust and fragmentation, rendering it more, not less difficult for terrorists to maintain a coherent strategy. Second, the article notes how most violent individuals seek real life interactions, guns and explosions rather than organize terrorism online or hacking in solitude behind a computer screen. It is primarily the socially marginalized who find the Internet appealing in organizing and executing terrorism.

Informal institutions continue to govern political exchange in Africa, but the traditional, ethnic-based form of "big man rule" is now threatened by an alternative informal institution — charismatic Pentecostalism. This study evaluates the status of Pentecostalism empirically, in a micro-level experiment in Ghana. Using data from a variant of the dictator game, in which participants divide a resource endowment with randomly assigned partners as well as cultural leaders, the study provides evidence of Pentecostal exclusivity, excessive allegiance to leaders, and a shift away from ethnic-based patronage to Pentecostal patronage. As Pentecostalism continues to expand, these findings suggest a modification in the exchange of resources for loyalty in Africa, and grounds for viewing the movement as a new form of big man rule in the region.

In recent work dealing with the impact of economic conditions on political behavior, a key point of controversy has concerned the type of information that people use to evaluate economic performance: Do they base their evaluations on personal economic well-being or the state of the nation's economy? In this debate, information about the economic well-being of social reference groups has generally been ignored. Therefore, in this article we explore the role of group economic interests in performance evaluations. Basically, our findings indicate that (1) group economic interests are perceived to overlap relatively little with personal, and especially national, interests; and (2) group economic interests have a significant independent effect on performance evaluations. Possible explanations for such group influence are discussed.

Increased attention has recently been paid to the phase of 'primary resistance' when Africa first had to confront western intrusion. The arguments of scholars like Terence Ranger for Eastern Africa and Michael Crowder for Western Africa identify those early armed challenges by Africans against colonial rule as the very origins of modern nationalism in the continent. By this argument, Tanzania's ruling party and its function as a liberating force has for its ancestry both the Maji Maji and earlier rebellions against German rule from the 1880s onwards. African struggles against colonial rule did not begin with modern political parties and western trained intellectuals, but originated in those early 'primary resisters' with their spears poised against western military technology.1

AbstractTo what extent do early experiences in the host country shape the political integration of immigrants? We argue that the initial neighborhoods immigrants settle in establish patterns of behavior that influence subsequent political participation. Using Norwegian administrative register data, we leverage quasi‐exogenous variation in the placement of refugees to assess the consequences of assignment to particular neighborhoods. We find that the difference in turnout between refugees initially placed in 20th and 80th percentile neighborhoods is 12.6 percentage points, which represents 47% of the participation gap between refugees and residents. To assess the mechanism, we draw on individual‐level data on all neighbors present at the time of each refugee's arrival and then evaluate the relative impact of neighborhood characteristics and available social networks. Our findings suggest that while neighborhood socioeconomic factors play a limited role, early exposure to politically engaged neighbors and peer cohorts increases immigrants' turnout over the long run.

To regard Chinese popular culture of the Mao era as "propaganda" constructed through the ideological apparatus, is a common approach. However, one can take a different, soberer research position and try to discern other dimensions in the cultural texts of this era. Such a novel, more complex understanding allows us to see vibrant popular culture beyond the obvious ideologically-driven narratives of the Cultural Revolution. The efficacy of this multidimensional view of Maoist popular culture is demonstrated through discussion of several model dramas, especially Red Detachment of Women.

"This book encapsulates the six papers delivered during the 54th Werner Sichel Lecture Series, held on the campus of Western Michigan University during the academic year 2017-2018. The book's title is taken from the theme for that year's lecture series, "The Political Economy of Inequality: U.S. and Global Dimensions.""

With an educational issue that has caught the attention of many countries in the world (study load), a population of 8th graders from a typical Chinese metropolitan city (40,536 from 118 schools), and an advanced statistical strategy (multilevel piecewise regression), we examined whether there was a turning point in terms of the effects of study load on science achievement. We did identify a turning point for each and every measure of study load. For weekday learning on science achievement, we identified a turning point of 22.50 hr for the effects of in-school learning, 7.50 hr for the effects of homework, and 12 hr for the effects of after-school learning. For weekend learning on science achievement, we identified a turning point of 1.50 hr for the effects of in-school learning, 5 hr for the effects of homework, and 1 hr for the effects of after-school learning. In each case, the difference in effects before and after the turning point was statistically significant, indicating that the effects of study load on science achievement were nonlinear. All of these turning points offered important implications for science education.