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AbstractThis article investigates networks and political actions by migrant organisations in five European cities. It examines how political opportunity structures moderate the impact of organisational networks on organisations' political contacts and protests using data from organisational surveys undertaken between 2005 and 2008 in Budapest, Lyon, Madrid, Milan and Zurich. Results suggest that the political context moderates the role that different types of networks have on mobilisation. It is found that migrant organisational networks may be sources compensating for the lack of contextual opportunities, thus fostering the use of protest by migrant organisations. However, migrant organisational networks can also favour the creation of political subcultures, marginalised from mainstream politics. Finally, migrant networks are likely to foster migrant organisations' political integration in multicultural contexts through conventional as well as non‐conventional politics.

Abstract This paper starts with the observation from behavioral economics that preferences are endogenous, i.e., they are unstable, context-dependent, and open to processes of adaptation. It then asks whether welfare analysis and normative economics are still possible in a world populated by people with endogenous preferences. In particular, it looks at recent proposals by Viktor Vanberg and Carl Christian von Weizsäcker. In highlighting an institutional perspective, both can be seen as proponents of modern ordoliberalism and both claim that their approaches can deal with the issue of endogenous preferences in a more coherent way than approaches that remain within the mind frame of traditional welfare economics. The paper argues that in mainly highlighting the importance of information provision for individual autonomy, Vanberg's approach of constitutional political economy (CPE) underestimates the complexity of preference endogeneity. While von Weizsäcker's approach is a refinement of the CPE framework, the paper argues that it focuses too much on external structural conditions (viz., competition among interpersonal influences) and neglects a discussion of the necessary internal agentic capabilities for individual autonomy. The paper argues that a more intricate discussion of decision autonomy leads to a twin concern for outcome and process freedom in normative economics. Outcome freedom allows individuals to satisfy their evolving preferences and process freedom enables them to critically reflect upon their preferences and surroundings.

Virgil Crisafulli's remarks at the the New York State Conference regarding social and political strategies that should be taken to end unemployment and poverty in the Central New York areas.

<p>Political orientation and race have consistently found to be associated with attitudes leading to the foundational elements underpinning prejudice. This study investigates these relationships more fully in order to determine the magnitude of these relationships leading to modern racist attitudes. The research participants consisted of 225 undergraduate and graduate students at an ethnically diverse regional university in the southeastern United States. Consistent with existing literature, White participants reported greater levels of modern racist attitudes than did Non-White participants. As hypothesized, political orientation and race significantly related to modern racist attitudes. Implications for continuing future research on political orientation, race and other factors associated with modern racism.</p>

Identifying & distinguishing the dominant features of civil religion, political theology, & public theology is an important aspect of the trans-Atlantic conversation about the role of religion in the common life. Civil religion is often a form of patriotic self-celebration that in the West, & particularly in the US, has often been expressed in terms of Christianity. Its defect lies in its lack of transcendental & thus critical reference. Political theology attempts to meet this defect by bringing the disciplines of theology & critical thought to bear on the relation between politics & religion. Political theology, however, too often equates or reduces the public to partisan or governmental policy, & understands the state as the institution that comprehends & guides all other spheres of society. Public theology seeks to remedy this by insisting that institutions of civil society precede regimes both in order of occurrence & by right, & insists that theology, in dialogue with other fields of thought, carries indispensable resources for forming, ethically ordering & morally guiding the institutions of religion & civil society as well as the vocations of the persons in these various spheres of life. 32 References. Adapted from the source document.

Although much has been written on the general subject of the President's pardoning power, there is still considerable confusion concerning the use of that power for the restoration of civil and political rights to persons who have been deprived of them as a punishment for crime. Particular questions frequently raised are: What rights are lost? How are they lost? How may they be restored? That the issue is a live one is supported by the fact that in the year 1938 no fewer than 203 pardons were granted by the President to restore civil rights.The confusion on the subject is due in large measure to the complexities of our federal form of government. This was clearly noted by Attorney-General Caleb Cushing in his opinion of July 9, 1856, in the case of Oliver Robbins of Sackett's Harbor, New York. Robbins was convicted in 1851, in the Circuit Court of the United States for the Northern District of New York, of an offense against federal law, and was sentenced to imprisonment in the penitentiary of New York. In 1852, he received from President Fillmore a general pardon.

The article is an attempt to analyze the relation between religion and politics in the American culture of last few decades. Liberals of western civilization very often look on the religion as an anachronism – something connected with a personal wishful thinking or with the prayers of monks closed in a congregationrather than with the modern political life. But the religion is an important component of the present‑day culture in America. A good example of this is the modern use of prayer as a form of political action. The research concentrates on two different forms of religious prayer – 'the civil prayer' and 'the imprecatory prayer'. As we will see, these two forms of confessional practice differ in almost everything, but they share a common political context. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

"The modern convention continues many of the traditions and rules developed during the first political conventions in the mid-19th century. This study analyzes the birth of the convention process in the 1830s and follows its development between 1832 and 1872, chronicling each of the presidential elections, the leading candidates, key issues, memorable speeches and events"--Provided by publisher.

This article attempts to shed some light on the developments of welfare states in highly developed nations since World War Two (WW2) within the context of a narrative which seeks to combine institutional distinctions, termed "varieties of capitalism," with the historical regimes of regulation theory in a political economy perspective which puts interested political actors at center stage. It will be argued that in a liberal democracy, the elite has the framing and agenda-setting power to "manufacture a political will" according to its interests. The welfare state is not the result of a long social struggle on the part of the needy; rather, it results in its general features from the minimal state of meritocratic exigencies. Under the very peculiar circumstances of the post-WW2 era, this even translated into a rise in social welfare spending to more than a third of national income. The particular design of welfare state organization was the subject-matter of political conflict, and a clear distinction between liberal and coordinated market economies can be attributed to cultural differences and institutional settings. Yet the core of the welfare state conception serves the interest of the meritocracy as much as those who benefit from social programs and redistribution. And the neoliberal attack on the welfare state since the 1980s is not a necessary re-calibration due to changing economic conditions or a growing lack of solidarity among the people but an expression of a modified cost–benefit analysis from the elite's perspective.

RATIONALIZING JUSTICE: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF THE FEDERAL DISTRICT COURTS. Wolf Heyderbrand and Carroll Seron. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1990.

Cultural education has recently been particularly emphasized as key for the promotion of equal opportunities, social cohesion and political engagement. While the relationship between political engagement and formal education has been extensively discussed, little research has been conducted on non‐formal types of education, such as non‐formal cultural education (NCE) in particular. However, the share of NCE programmes is becoming increasingly important as more and more formal institutions are reducing their cultural education programmes. This article examines, firstly, whether NCE actually promotes political engagement and, secondly, who effectively participates in NCE programmes. Using data from the eighth wave (2016–2017) of the German National Educational Panel Study, we implement a mediation analysis within ordered logistic regression models to disentangle the mechanisms at play. Our results indicate that NCE exerts a small but significant effect on political engagement directly and indirectly via political discussions and political interest. However, participation in NCE is strongly influenced by social strata. The advantages of NCE are therefore not evenly distributed across the German population.