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In camp myths, the name Kakuma means "nowhere." From the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, most aid workers fly 530 miles over the Great Rift Valley, which splits this part of Africa in half. Passing the glittering waters of Lake Turkana, turn left at the Ethiopian and Sudanese borders, and just when it seems you might crash into the lush mountains of Uganda, you will see it, springing up from the desert plains: row upon row of corrugated tin roofs and mud homes. The earth is cracked by years of baking under a hostile sun. Behind walls of recycled plastic bags stitched together and under roofs made of World Food Program cans hammered flat lives a population almost the size of Berkeley, California. This is nowhere. The refugees of Kakuma refugee camp come from many conflict-stricken African countries, such as Somalia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Forbidden to settle in Kenya, Kakuma's seventy-six thousand residents have no option but to wait for resettlement elsewhere. In a way Kakuma is a temporary country, now composed of fourteen nationalities; eighty-eight churches and mosques; twelve primary schools; one hospital; one high school; three graveyards; three libraries; and any number of "hotels," as they call the small restaurants. It has its own laws, regulations, and customs. Yet this is a country almost entirely reliant on social security handouts meted out by the humanitarian aid workers—the de-facto government. Kenyan law stipulates that refugees cannot leave the camps without a permit. The camp residents are not allowed to work for a real wage, own property, or grow almost anything in the dusty soil, and so they are forced into dependency, often for decades; the average protracted refugee situation lasts for seventeen years. As Jeff Crisp, head of policy development for the office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees writes in the Refugee Survey Quarterly, "The right to life has been bought at the cost of every other right." More than ten million encamped refugees worldwide have fallen through the gap between nation-states. This is the story of how temporary places of protection have morphed into modern-day purgatories, limbos, waiting rooms. It is also the story of some of the young women of Kakuma who have lived their lives waiting in lines for the basics of life: from food and soap to sanitary pads.

Ironically, in the North where only a minority of scholars are engaged in applied or policy research, they are navel gazing about what 'the policy turn' implies for geography. Here in South Africa, where consulting, policy or applied research is a ubiquitous feature of geography departments, we have been tardy, or perhaps reluctant, to open the conversation about the implications of the way many of us now work. Nowhere is this more evident than in the broad arena of urban research where the restructuring of local government, massive urbanisation and the uneven growth of the economy has created an insatiable demand for applied work on cities and towns. In this paper I use three general issues raised by our Northern counterparts to open up debate among South African geographers about the drivers of knowledge and the way this might impact on our urban future. The first issue relates to the role of public intellectuals in a society in transition and includes an assessment of the formative versus the evaluative role of intellectuals, as well as discussion on the politics of positionality and who does the policy research. The second issue takes off from here and probes who defines the intellectual and policy agendas. Crucial questions about how knowledge circulates and the role of consultants are highlighted. The third area shifts the debate into the academy and asks about the relevance of geography for urban policy. Drawing from these three pointers the final two sections of the paper make a case for recasting urban geographical scholarship in South Africa to, for example, take issues of scale and the local state more seriously, to move beyond the segregationist frame of the historical geographers and to fill the empirical and conceptual gaps within which the practice of urban government and governmentality actually take place. In conclusion I suggest that to do this it is imperative that we re-bridge the academic policy divide in new and more productive ways than the current covert linkages that exist at present. This means among other things, rethinking the academic value and integrity of policy work, as well addressing the material concerns that reinforce the status quo. This means confronting the place of consultant income for academics, acknowledging that there can be no evidence based policy without government and private sector investment in urban research and overcoming the skills gap in the urban sector.

At the United Nations' Millennium Summit (September 2000) 150 heads of state and government reaffirmed the target of halving, by the year 2015, the proportion of the world's people living in extreme poverty and the number suffering from hunger. This is an ambitious goal, which can be achieved only if both the countries affected and the donor countries and international development agencies make considerable efforts. The German government explicitly endorses the target of halving poverty, launching its Programme of Action 2015 (Poverty Reduction – a Global Responsibility) by cabinet decision in April 2000.What conditions must be satisfied if the target of halving poverty is to be achieved, and what contribution can Germany make? The international target of halving extreme poverty and the number of people suffering from hunger will be achievable by 2015 only if poverty can be reduced more quickly than in the 1990s. The experience of the 1990s has shown that, although market economy reforms favour economic growth, economic growth does not automatically lead to a reduction in poverty. As economic and social inequality are not only major causes of poverty but also determine how results are distributed, the question of access to productive resources should be given a high priority and the issue of agricultural reform is again on the agenda. The pace of poverty reduction depends primarily not on the level of economic growth, but on the distribution of resources and the quality of growth, i.e. on the growth process being made to benefit the poor. As the overwhelming majority of the extremely poor live in rural areas sustained by agriculture, the scale and pace of poverty reduction are determined particularly by the growth of rural incomes and productivity. The Programme of Action 2015 defines Germany's contribution. The German government sees poverty reduction as an important component of its entire policy. Government action and development cooperation are meant to act in this context as an effective catalyst that changes structures, makes new alliances against poverty possible and enables innovative sources of finance to be tapped. If the Programme of Action 2015 is to be implemented effectively, the priorities as regards sectors, regions and instruments need to be defined more accurately in an implementation plan. The promotion of African and Asian LDCs and of their agricultural and rural development should take precedence. Project aid should be reduced in favour of multilaterally coordinated programmes (PRSPs, SwAPs).

Related to IDRC supported Research ICT Africa (RIA) projects 101584, 103114 and 105266. ; This paper examines the shifting institutional arrangements in South Africa's telecommunications and broadcasting sectors as it seeks to deal with national transformation at the same time as the relentless economic and technical changes to the sector being driven at a global level. These include the convergence of traditionally distinct forms of communication resulting from the digitalisation of technologies and the privatisation and liberalisation of traditional monopoly services. The author locates the changing institutional arrangements in this sector in the context of the struggle by government to transform decision-making and institutional arrangements. The tensions inherent in this process are not clear-cut, consistent or even clearly visible but impact in complex and cross-cutting ways on the policy framework and arising institutional arrangements. The paper then periodises institutional arrangements in the broadcasting and telecommunications sectors into four overlapping phases: the pre-transition phase up to 1993; the reform phase up to 1997; the implementation phase which begins in 1994 in broadcasting and 1997 in telecommunications and the review phase which begins with broadcasting in 1998 and in telecommunications in 2001. Although the institutional flux has often been attributed to forward looking policy it is argued that the perpetual reorganisation of the sector also reflects large scale institutional failure. It is argued however that this cannot be placed solely at the door of the various new regulatory institutions. Perhaps one of the most critical factors to undermine the various regulatory institutions has been the lack of resources. The lack of skilled human capital has allowed all three regulators to be out-regulated by the industry and the lack of financial capital has rendered them in effectual both in defending their actions and fulfilling their mandate. The dearth of these have taken their toll on the ability of the regulator to be credible and one can only conclude reflects the covert desire of the industry and state for them not to be entirely effectual. Finally, the paper argues that until there is an integrated and holistic national information and communication policy, driven from the Presidents Office, various policy proposals impacting on ICT development in the country emanating from different portfolios will continue to be contradictory, inconsistent and ultimately damaging to the vision of South Africa as a regional ICT hub and a major contributor to the African Renaissance.

Includes bibliography. ; Governmental agencies in South Africa became concerned about the increase in eutrophication-related water quality problems during the early 1970's. The first step taken to control eutrophication was introduction of an effluent phosphate standard that limited the phosphorus concentration in effluents being discharged in certain sensitive catchments to a maximum of 1 mg P04-P 1-1. This standard applied only to point sources, because of an initial belief that the contribution from non-point sources was relatively minor, and the absence of practical economic measures to control phosphorus discharges from non-point sources. Subsequent to introduction of the 1 mg P Standard several modelling studies were undertaken, as there was a need to describe the response of eutrophic reservoirs to altered phosphate inputs. Most of the work was done on the hypertrophic Hartbeespoort Dam reservoir. The models utilised were empirical, zero-dimensional models that treated the reservoir as a completely mixed reactor. Usually these models considered only the steady state, or at most, annual changes. The models simulated annual mean phosphate-P concentrations with varying degrees of success, but a significant relationship between observed and simulated chlorophylla concentrations could not be obtained, i.e. these models could not be used to predict the response of eutrophic reservoirs to different management strategies aimed at alleviating eutrophication-related water quality problems. Consequently, a further study was initiated by the Water Research Commission to test the applicability of more sophisticated hydrodynamic and water quality models, developed in the USA and Australia, to stratified reservoirs under South African climatic conditions. Several models of varying complexity were available. From these four models were selected for study. The models that were tested were the one-dimensional models DYRESM (developed in Australia), and MINLAKE (developed in the USA) , and the two-dimensional models CE-QUAL and WASP (developed in the USA). The DYRESM model can simulate hydrodynamic behaviour only, whereas MINLAKE, CE-QUAL and WASP can simulate both hydrodynamic and water quality behaviour. This report covers the extensive study that conducted on the MINLAKE model. The study is justified in view of the potential of the MINLAKE model to evaluate different treatment options: of the four models selected, it is the only model that can simulate more than one algal class. Thus it is an ideal tool to assess the effect of a chosen treatment option on, for example, algal succession.

The first part of the fifteenth session of the General Assembly met at UN Headquarters from September 20 through December 20, 1960, when it was adjourned. The second part of the session was to open on March 7, 1961. At the opening plenary meeting, Mr. Frederick R. Boland (Ireland) was elected President of the session, having obtained 46 votes out of a possible 80. At the same meeting, the Assembly's 864th, the following fourteen countries were admitted to membership in the UN: the Republic of Cameroun, the Togolese Republic, the Malagasy Republic, the Republic of Somalia, the Republic of the Congo (Leopoldville), the Republic of Dahomey, the Republic of the Niger, the Republic of Upper Volta, the Republic of the Ivory Coast, the Republic of Chad, the Republic of the Congo (Brazzaville), the Republic of Gabon, the Central African Republic, and the Republic of Cyprus. At the 876th plenary meeting, the Republics of Senegal and Mali were admitted to membership, as was the Federation of Nigeria at the 893 d meeting, thereby bringing the total membership of the UN to 99. A special report of the Security Council on the subject of the admission to membership of the Islamic Republic of Mauritania, considered by the Assembly at its 954th meeting, noted the failure of the Council to recommend Mauritania for admission; the Assembly decided to postpone indefinitely further consideration of the question. At its 895th plenary meeting, the Assembly adopted by a vote of 42 to 34, with 22 abstentions, the recomementation contained in the report of the General Committee that the Assembly reject the request of the Soviet Union for the inclusion in its agenda of the question of the representation of China in the UN, and decided not to consider at its fifteenth session any proposals to exclude the representatives of the government of the Republic of China (Nationalist) or to seat representatives of the government of the People's Republic of China (Communist). With regard to the representation in the UN of the Congo (Leopoldville), the General Assembly, at its 924th meeting, adopted by 53 votes to 24, with 19 abstentions, the draft resolution recommended by the Credentials Committee in its report; the Assembly thereby accepted the credentials issued by the head of state (President Joseph Kasavubu) and communicated by him to the President of the Assembly.

The first attempt after abolition to incorporate the former slaves into the Brazilian community was made by trying to bring African into Portuguese civilization instead of trying to make a place for the Negro in the soc order. Because the Portuguese colonists had intermingled with the Moors, because they arrived in the New World without women & did not hesitate to have sex relations with coloured women, because the SE system obliged them to live among slaves, & because of the Portuguese-Catholic emphasis on soc good rather than puritanical strictness, Brazil eventually become the world's classic example of racial democracy. Unlike the US, Brazil has a class rather than a caste society. At the request of Arthur Ramos, UNESCO carried out a survey of the racial situation in Brazil. Its program was made up of 6 investigations. A survey of the Ru areas in north & north-east Brazil was carried out under the direction of Charles Wagley who arranged for 3 communities in the state of Bahia to be surveyed. This aspect of the program concluded that race is only one of the factors of soc stratification, & that little actual discrimination is practiced. Other information suggested that there is little diff in the character in race relations comparing northern & southern Brazil. A second part of the program was the survey of the mechanism of soc mobility in the city of Bahia by Thales de Azevedo. This study showed that although coloured people generally are members of the lowest stratum, vertical mobility is high. An inquiry into the influence of religion on ethnic behaviour in Recife indicated that although religion is important in the formation of personality & consequently in forms of racial behavior, it may be overruled by other societal forces. A survey of the racial situation in Rio de Janeiro by Costa Pinto led to the conclusion that to say there is no prejudice in Brazil is a refusal to face reality, even though the situation is not as bad as that of the US. Res on race relations in Sao Paulo was conducted by Roger Bastide & Florestan Fernandes. This analysis was supplemented by 3 soc psychol res projects. This UNESCO res succeeded in bringing about a great increase in the number of studies of ethnic relations. Most studies have been descriptive, not normative. As there is an AMERICAN DILEMMA there is a Brazilian Dilemma. The Brazilian is proud of the belief in the ideal of universal brotherhood & simultaneously practices racial discrimination. B. J. Keelev.

Problemas de la población indlgena de la cuenca del Tepalcatepec. Gonzalo Aguiree BeltranIndians of the Andes: Aymaras and Quechuas. Harold Osborne. (xiv, 266 pp., 30 illus., 2 maps, $4.50. International Library for Sociology and Social Reconstruction. Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., London; Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1952.)Old World Overtones in the New World: Some Parallels with North American Indian Musical Instruments. Theodore A. Seder. (70 pp., 21 plates. University Museum Bulletin, vol. 16, no. 4, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1952.)Lineage Formation among the Luo. A. Southall. (43 pp., 6s. 6d. Memorandum XXVI, International African Institute, London, 1952.)Introduction to Africa: a Selective Guide to Background Reading. Library of Congress, European Affairs Division, (x, 237 pp. The University Press of Washington, Washington, D. C., 1952.)Les Kissi: Une Societé Noire et ses Instruments de Musique. André Schaeffner. (86 pp., 8 plates' 14 figs., including two maps. L'Homme, Cahiers D'Ethnologie, de Géographie, et de Linguistique, l'Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, 6e Section: Sciences économiques et sociales. Paris, 1951.)Caste in India. Its Nature, Function, and Origins. J. H. Hutton. Second and revised edition. (315 pp., 2 maps, $3.00. Printed in India for Oxford University Press, 1951.)Religion auf Ostflores, Adonare und Solor. Paul Arndt. (248 pp., map. Studia Instituti Anthropos, Anthropos Institut, Posieux, Freiburg/Schweiz, Volume 1, Wien‐Mödling, 1951.)The Cohonina Culture of Northwestern Arizona. John C. McGregor. (158 pp., 39 figs., 15 tables. Contribution No. 178, Museum of Northern Arizona. University of Illinois Press, Urbana, Illinois, 1951.)Excavations in Big Hawk Valley. Watson Smith. (vii, 203 pp., 50 illus., 16 tables. Bulletin 24, Museum of Northern Arizona. Flagstaff, 1952.)Hopewellian Communities in Illinois. Thorne Deuel, Editor. (271 pp., 94 plates. Scientific Papers. Illinois State Museum, Vol. V, Springfield, 1952.)Two Runic Stones from Greenland and Minnesota. William Thalbitzer. (71 pp., 7 figures, 1 table. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, Vol. 116, No. 3, 1951.)A Bone Industry from the Lower Bonn. C. Blake Whelan. (14 pp., 3 plates, 9 figs., 3s. 6d. Archaeological Research Publications, Northern Ireland, No. 1, Belfast, 1952. Copies may be obtained from Her Majesty's Stationery Office, 80 Chichester Street, Belfast, Northern Ireland.)Psychiatry and Medical Education. Edited by John C. Whitehorn. (viii, 164 pp. American Psychiatric Association, Washington, 1952.)Dogma and Compulsion. Theodor Reik. (332 pp., $5.00. International Universities Press, New York, 1951.)

Disruptive behaviour problems in early childhood are found to be associated with many negative long-term outcomes, such as antisocial behaviour, adolescent delinquency, and substance abuse (Kellam, Werthamer-Larsson & Dolan (1991), as cited in Butler, 2005:1). Even after adolescence this arises, for, as Vogel (2008:16) states the 'frequency of behavioural problems or challenging behaviour among the youth of today often predicts the size of our future prison population'. These findings clearly highlight the importance of early identification of behavioural problems, adequate preventative intervention (Butler, 2005:1) and the necessity for early intervention to prevent their continuity, since behaviour problems are found to worsen without treatment (Loeber, 1982, cited in Butler, 2005:1). The goal of this study is to gain an understanding of disruptive behaviour in primary school learners. To achieve this goal, the objectives of this are to explore the nature of child disruptive behaviour problems; to explore parents and teachers' problem perception of child disruptive behaviour; to explore the problem threshold of parents and teachers toward child disruptive behaviour; and to explore their help-seeking behaviour. The study's aim, therefore, is to better understand and gain more insight in child disruptive behaviour problems before a threshold is reached by parents and teachers and help is sought from social service professionals. The study uses an exploratory qualitative research design to gain insight into child disruptive behaviour problems, problem perceptions and help-seeking behaviour in the Southern Cape Karoo District in the Western Cape. Child disruptive behaviour patterns were analysed along a three-point continuum (from less severe - 'preventative'; to moderate - 'early intervention'; and most severe - 'statutory') based, on problem perceptions of parents, teachers and social service professionals. In addition, the present study examines parents and teachers' problem thresholds to identify help-seeking behaviour and sources. A purposive sampling technique was used to select the participants according to appropriation and availability. Parents and teachers were contacted to participate voluntarily in the research from schools in the area - Acacia Primary School, Baartmansfontein Primary School, Buffelsriver Private Primary School and Matjiesfontein Primary School. The social service professionals who participated consisted of social workers, social auxiliary workers and police officials from the Department of Social Development, Child Welfare SA and the South African Police Service. The study consisted of a broad range of child ages and parental ages. Parent participants also included biological and foster parents. Data was gathered by means of a semi-structured interview schedule administered during 24 individual interviews. The schedule is based on information obtained from the literature review relevant to the models and theories selected. Previous research done by Jessica Hankinson in 2009 in America on child psychopathology, parental problem perception, and help-seeking behaviours was used as a reference for creating the data collection tool, since she also focused on child behavioural problems and used similar models in the theories. This tool was created in such a way as to be relevant to the South African context. The findings confirmed the serious nature of child disruptive behaviour amongst primary school learners, including abusive behaviour, assault, bullying, fighting, swearing, theft, criminal involvement, substance abuse, truancy and school dropouts. The participants were found to be able to perceive their child's problem behaviour and to perceive themselves to be competent parents in dealing with disruptive behaviour. Child disruptive behaviour was found to have a significant effect on classroom learning. Despite legislation banning this, the participants still resort to punitive corrective measures. Stigma related to professional services and the privacy of the family are found to be very relevant in help-seeking efforts. This lead to the conclusion that child disruptive behaviour may become a normal and acceptable phenomenon, and thus leads to late reporting - and social services being contacted only as a last resort. The most important recommendation resulting from the study indicates that there is a need for prevention and early intervention services for child disruptive behaviour. This should address the escalation of the behaviour that later results in the need for statutory services. The study further indicates that various sectors (social workers, teachers, community structures and the departments) need to collaborate and form partnerships in order to enhance the early reporting of children in need and the accessibility and availability of services rendered in rural areas. This could enhance the early identification, reporting and service delivery in order to find problem resolutions.

Bibliography leaves 230-248. ; This study attempts to assess the equity and technical efficiency aspects of the South African health system. It empirically assesses the status qua and trends in equity as it relates to child morbidity and mortality and self-reported illness and utilization of different service providers in adulthood. Furthermore, an assessment of the technical efficiency and productivity of a sample of public sector hospitals is conducted. This is meant to explore the size of potential efficiency gains that is tantamount to the injection of additional resources, which are highly needed for addressing inequities in a scenario where mobilization of additional resources from the public purse is seriously constrained as a result of poor economic performance, stringent fiscal policies and competing priorities, among other things. Secondary data are used in the analyses. These include data from the Living Standards and Development Survey (LSDS) of 1993, conducted jointly by the World Bank and the South African Labour and Development Research Unit at the University of Cape Town, and data from the October Household Survey (OHS) series (OHS 1995 and OHS 1998) that are conducted annually by Statistics South Africa. For the analysis of hospital efficiency, data are obtained from annual statistical publications of provincial health departments. The equity analysis is done using concentration indices (and curves). In the adult population, standardized concentration indices are computed to rule out a possible confounding effect of the demographic variables, age and gender. Furthermore, utilization of services is standardized for need as measured by self-reported acute or chronic illness. Additionally, to identify some factors, which may be associated with inequities in child health, probit models are estimated. Data envelopment analysis (DEA) and DEA-based Maimquist productivity index are used to examine the state of hospital technical efficiency and productivity respectively. With the limited data available a tobit regression is also run to identify factors influencing the technical efficiency of hospitals. Overall, the findings of this study indicate that the huge income-related inequalities in health and health care that existed prior to the change of the political system in 1994 have been reduced significantly in the years after the installation of the new government. Analyses of the LSDS 1993 indicate significant pro-rich inequities in all the dimensions of equity in health and health care utilization examined in this study. Under-five mortality and child malnutrition manifest pro-rich inequalities of high magnitude. In the adult population, as is seen in many other studies, pro-poor inequities are seen in self-reported acute illness. This paradoxical pro-poor finding is, however, changed to pro-rich inequalities in the OHS 1995 and 1998 data. Inequalities in under-five mortality in the OHS 1998 data that do not show when income is used as a measure of socio-economic status (SES) are prominently seen when SES is proxied by race and residential location. This implies that the apparent bridging of inequities seen when income is used as a measure of SES may not enable us to definitively assert the absence of socio-economic inequities in health. Utilization statistics from all data sets indicate pro-poor horizontal inequities in the use of primary and other public health facilities, implying an appropriate targeting of public sector health care resources. The data clearly show that considerable health and health system inequities remain in South Africa. In order to rapidly address these inequities, additional resources are required to improve health and other health-promoting services in currently under-served areas and for specific disadvantaged groups. However, given the macro-economic context, the allocation of additional resources to the health sector is unlikely. The hospital sector, which absorbs the lion's share of the public health resources, seems to be plagued by high degrees of technical inefficiency. With the prevailing high levels of technical inefficiency and the adverse economic realities of the country, it would be difficult to mobilize additional resources needed for addressing existing inequities. Hence it is of paramount importance to address the existing technical inefficiencies in the hospital sector. Finally the study recommends that to address the inequities that besiege the country's health system, policies that transcend the health sector are needed and that there is an urgent need to rectify existing inefficiencies.

Preface to the second edition -- Introduction: what is Atlantic history? -- Into the Atlantic crucible -- The Columbian exchange -- Captivities -- Religion and conversion -- West Africa and the Atlantic slave trade -- The plantation complex in the Caribbean -- The Spanish and Portuguese in the Americas -- The Dutch, French, and English in North America -- The wooden world: maritime labor and piracy -- The Atlantic highway: European migrations -- Interracial marriage and sexuality in the Atlantic world -- Enlightenment and revolution -- Out of the Atlantic crucible -- Chronology of important events in Atlantic world history.

Tobacco use is the leading preventable cause of death in South Carolina. Smoking-related medical costs amount to $1.1 billion each year, including $393 million for Medicaid. Tobacco growing in South Carolina declined by over 50 percent from 1997 to 2008. Tobacco accounted for less than 10% of the state's cash receipts from all crops in 2007. Despite the low levels of actual tobacco growing and the small role tobacco played in the state's economy in 2008, the cultural construct of being a "tobacco growing state" continued to have a disproportionately large impact on tobacco control policy making. Between 1997 and 2008, the tobacco industry lost its alliances with the Farm Bureau Federation and Commissioners of Agriculture, former staunch industry allies, because of negotiations over the Master Settlement Agreement, the buyout of the Tobacco Price Support system, and increasing purchase of foreign tobacco. Tobacco control Policy Score rankings of 2007/2008 legislators by knowledgeable tobacco control advocates revealed that legislators from the Pee Dee region, historically the stronghold of tobacco agriculture, were similar to the rest of the state's legislators in their attitudes towards tobacco control. Tobacco area legislators were formerly strong allies of the tobacco industry and historically worked with industry lobbyists to ensure defeat or manipulation of tobacco control bills. The 2007/2008 Policy Scores indicated that this was no longer the case. Tobacco control advocates should take advantage of the growing distance between tobacco companies and its former tobacco-growing allies and the decline in the actual importance of tobacco agriculture to challenge the rhetoric and resistance to tobacco control policies in the state. The tobacco industry built significant political influence in South Carolina through lobbyists, alliances with prominent trade associations, campaign contributions and other political expenditures. From 1996 to 2006, tobacco companies, trade associations and producers contributed a total of $680,541 to candidates for state office and to political parties. There is a measurable relationship between tobacco industry contributions and legislative behavior. As rated on a Policy Score scale from 0 to 10, with 10 being extremely receptive to tobacco control and 0 being extremely pro-tobacco industry, for every $1,000 received from the tobacco industry during the 2006 election cycle, a legislator's Policy Score decreased by 1.5 points. Democrats were on average 3.6 points more favorable towards tobacco control than Republicans, after controlling for campaign contributions. South Carolina was selected by the NCI in 1990 to participate in the 17-state ASSIST program. ASSIST funded tobacco control programming within the Department of Health and Environmental Control and established the state's first formal tobacco control coalition, the Alliance for a Smoke-Free South Carolina. The Alliance disbanded in 1997, leaving tobacco control advocacy disorganized and ineffective through 2003. ASSIST ended in 1999 and was replaced by a minimally-funded DHEC Tobacco Division supported primarily by about $1 million annually from the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. In 1998, the state signed the Master Settlement Agreement, securing approximately $70 million per year from the major cigarette companies. In 2000, the state securitized its settlement revenue, receiving a lump sum of $900 million up front in lieu of its annual payments through 2019. Refinancing in 2008 moved this date back to 2012. The 2000 General Appropriations bill set up 4 trust funds from the securitized MSA funds, with 73% ($574 million for healthcare), including tobacco control. Only $3.34 million of the MSA revenue was spent on tobacco control between 2000 and 2008. The state allocated an additional $6 million from the General Fund to the DHEC Tobacco Division between 2002 and 2008, with no state funding for the program between 2003 and 2006 and again in 2008. The Tobacco Division developed small-scale but innovative tobacco control programming, particularly community programs to promote policy change and the Rage Against the Haze youth movement. The DHEC leadership did not prioritize tobacco control between 2000 and 2008, although its support increased gradually due to efforts by the Tobacco Division, DHEC regional staff and the voluntary health groups. Funding requests remained at $2 million, significantly below the CDC recommended $62.2 million per year. Limitations by DHEC leadership on the role that DHEC staff play in local community-wide policy change efforts changed in 2007 to allow direct participation, but remained limited in scope. The voluntary health groups failed to prioritize increased funding for the DHEC Tobacco Division relative to their other lobbying focuses and continued in 2008 to act hesitantly in their lobbying of DHEC leadership to support tobacco control funding and policy change. In 2001, tobacco control advocates formed the South Carolina Tobacco Collaborative. It received 83% of its funding from the state health department, limiting its advocacy capacity. Increased funding from voluntary health groups and national partners between 2005 and 2008 allowed the Collaborative and the other prominent tobacco control advocacy groups, the South Carolina African-American Tobacco Control Network and the Smoke-Free Action Network, to increase advocacy between 2005 and 2008. These developments led to notable successes in clean indoor air policies and attempts to increase the state's tobacco tax. The cigarette tax in South Carolina remained the lowest in the nation in 2008, at 7 cents per pack. The last cigarette tax increase was in 1977, with nearly annual attempts to increase the tax defeated by coordinated efforts from the tobacco industry. Tobacco control advocates began to push for a cigarette tax increase in 2000, without success. Between 2006 and 2008, the Collaborative developed a well-funded and well-coordinated public education and lobbying campaign to support a cigarette tax increase. In 2008, the General Assembly passed a 50-cent increase, with $5 million of the annual revenue directed to the DHEC Tobacco Division, over active opposition from the tobacco industry and its allies. Governor Mark Sanford vetoed the bill for its lack of revenue neutrality, and Speaker of the House Bobby Harrell successfully prevented a veto override in the House. The 2006-2008 cigarette tax increase campaign showed that well-funded tobacco control advocacy could be successful over tobacco industry opposition in the legislature. The defeat of the increase bill demonstrated the need for stronger grasstops lobbying and relationship building with legislative leadership. Between 1977 and 1989, local policymakers passed 19 limited clean indoor air ordinances, building momentum for consideration of a state-level clean indoor air bill. In 1990, tobacco control advocates compromised with tobacco industry lobbyists to allow the passage of a weak statewide Clean Indoor Air Act, halting significant progress on clean indoor air through 2005. In 1996, the tobacco industry succeeded in using the Synar Amendment to integrate preemption into a youth access to tobacco amendment. The tobacco industry and tobacco control advocates assumed the provision also preempted local clean indoor air activity. Beginning in 1999, local policymakers in Charleston began to support local clean indoor air ordinance attempts despite assumed preemption. While Charleston did not pass an ordinance until 2006, news coverage of the city's efforts began a wave of consideration of local ordinances, eventually supported by state and local tobacco control advocates and the Municipal Association. Between May 2006 and December 2008, 21 local clean indoor air ordinances passed, 12 of which passed before the state Supreme Court rejected the argument that preemption applied to clean indoor air ordinances. Two localities were sued over their ordinances on preemption grounds, but won both cases in the Supreme Court. During the 2007/2008 legislative session, tobacco control advocates joined together to successfully defeat multiple attempts to institute express preemption through weak clean indoor air legislation supported by the tobacco industry. Given the success of local clean indoor air efforts, the strategy of tobacco control advocates developed during 2008 should be maintained: continue to promote comprehensive local smoke-free ordinances, while avoiding any action on clean indoor air in the General Assembly.