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It is contended that conservative politicians & political philosophers should stringently support environmental protection & conservation policies. The popular conservative assertions that environmentalism necessitates leftist thought, Christianity is in conflict with environmentalism, & that environmental policy is anti-business are perceived as misconceptions. Rather than support the conservative contention that environmentalism is incompatible with economic development, it is argued that environmental protection statutes have not devastated business practices. Several aspects of conservative political philosophy that are compatible with environmentalism are subsequently identified, eg, the nonmaterialistic & nonideological nature of conservatism & the perception that society is intergenerational. Various issues concerning different kinds of pollution, the use of public lands, global warming, protecting endangered species, & achieving economic sustainability are discussed in order to demonstrate how conservatives should approach these problems. The implications of the emergence of free market environmentalism within contemporary political discourse for conservatism are also considered. This book contains a Preface, an Introduction, 10 Chpts, & a Conclusion. J. W. Parker

As an outcome of the West German students movement critical psychologies in German-speaking countries have developped as marxist critiques of society and science. Above all, Holzkamp used Marx' and Engels' doctrines of natural and societal progression as foundations of a unifying categorical and closed epistemological system. Part of a political movement, psychologists were forced to link with discourses originating in the late twenties and early thirties, then cut off by National Socialism and postwar ideologies in Germany and Austria. They were forced to make up for a lag. They were to reify Marx' ghosts . For a long time they ignored the experiences of left critics in other western cultures, especially France, where critiques had been differentiated in a post-marxist manner. Up to the late eighties, this critical-psychological ignorance happened even to feminism, poststructuralism and constructivism. With the breakdown of so-called 'real socialism' Critical psychology after all had lost the last social and communitarian foundations as a reference. It had left trends of historic progression and had become conservative in a paradox way. Finally, the defeat has opened actual chances of critique, potentially in fragmented postmodern discourses.

The author describes major ultra-nationalist movements (fascism & national socialism) in contemporary Russia. These movements have arisen largely in response to the perceived failure of neoliberalist reforms since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Russia is a "torn country" that is undergoing political & economic Westernization -- an irreversible process that has brought severe economic problems & a declining standard of living for the majority. The new regime is described as a mixture of liberal democracy, authoritarianism, & capitalism. The author concludes that the shift from Russian communism to national patriotism is a key feature of modernization in post-Soviet Russia, & that the nation's current problems are similar to those caused by globalization & Westernization elsewhere. 1 Table, 34 References. J. R. Callahan

Examines the 1980s-1990s British economic model as a test case for modern conservative capitalism. The conservative capitalist model that emerged during the prime ministership of Margaret Thatcher had four unequivocal points: low taxes, small governments, production oriented to profit, & a naturalization of inequality. This model is shown to have reduced inflation, revitalized British management, & raised a number of economic indicators in the intermediate terms. However, as a long-term model, it is argued that conservative capitalism is a failure. The 1990s has seen a drastic rise in inequality, substantial growth in poverty, concerted loss of public morale, & net reduction in private ownership of property. The failure of conservative capitalism is traced to large macroeconomic mistakes, gross misunderstandings of microeconomics, & a hypercompetitive ethic that prevented cooperation, thus leading to a need for more governmental regulation. 1 Table. D. Ryfe

Documents the origins of the call by US politicians & others during the administrations of Ronald Reagan & George Bush for self-help as a solution to the problems of black Americans. With the federal government during this period (1980s) withdrawing from its commitments to the less-privileged, self-help was seized on, by both black & white conservatives, as a solution emphasizing "personal responsibility" & "self-reliance" in the black community. Continuing into the Bill Clinton administration, this has led to the development of a new privatism. Here, it is argued that conservatives have used the appeal of self-help to disguise a socially repressive agenda for the black poor & deflect attention from the government's disinvestment in black communities. Analysis of black conservatives' criticisms of the welfare state & civil rights organizations reveals that their real agenda is to reestablish traditional institutions of social authority. K. H. Stewart

Draws on interviews with leadership, textual analysis, & participant observation to examine the extent to which the conservative Concerned Women for America (CWA) & the Independent Women's Forum (IWF) rely on the gender identity-political representation relationship in pursuit of their goals. An overview of the CWA & IWF is provided, highlighting their essentialist worldviews, & variations in their conservative ideologies are illustrated. The concepts of descriptive & substance representation underpin a discussion of the forms that gender identity take in theses organizations' efforts. It is contended that their representational approach hinges on the fact that they are countermovement women's organizations; ie, they employ the successful strategies of their opponents: feminists. In competing with feminists over who legitimately represents women, the CWA & IWF co-opt the feminist strategies of collective action & positioning women in leadership roles; making representative claims as women is critical to them. Gender identity is thus salient to these groups; however, as countermovement organizations, invocation of gender identity is mediated by other influences. The CWA's & IWF's engagement in feminist strategies & need to appeal to conservative constituencies clash, producing paradoxes in their identity politics. At times, both organizations eschew gender identity in favor of a conservative ideology that, eg, criticizes the identity-interest relationship. Appealing to gender identity allows the CWA & IWF to legitimate their representation of women's interests & to challenge feminists, while at the same time supporting the feminist contention that women's issues & interests are politically relevant. J. Zendejas

In this article I will discuss how a circle of middle-aged academics recreates its moral order of new gender standards by a consonant staging of the "others" and the "self" – "them" vs. "us". The progressive self as well as the conservative other with whom the self is confronted are exaggeratedly stylized in a similarly disjunctive way over the course of various stories. Hyper-stylization sharpens a juxtaposition of social types which is humorously overdrawn. The comical performance becomes a factor of amusement for the group.

Examines the impact of the emergence of modern conservative parties in postauthoritarian southern Europe on the formation of stable democratic institutions. It is argued that the primary goal of conservative democrats in the new regimes was to move toward the center of the Left-Right continuum. Success or failure of the shift toward a more centrist position was determined by the structure of political competition, as well as the strategies of moderate-conservative elites, as compared to those of the extreme Right. The historical origins of modern conservatism in southern Europe are traced, & the party systems that emerged after the transition to competitive politics are described. Although the new political environment was characterized by the usual Left/Right dichotomy, voter focus on political participation & social equality forced conservative leaders to forego right-wing ideology, & move toward the center in order to appease social demands & garner more votes. Reasons for the success of the strategy in Greece & Spain & different outcomes in Portugal & Italy are discussed. 1 Figure. J. Lindroth