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As microeconomic calculus & macroeconomic estimation superseded earlier approaches to political economy, broad questions about how things are (ontology), how things might be known (epistemology), & how science should proceed (methodology) were neglected. As a corrective, Critical Realism (CR) has been proposed as an alternative to the orthodox deductive-nomological (ODN) tradition: i.e., to mathematical deduction & statistical induction. In their place, retroduction -- the use of analogy, metaphor, intuition, & ordinary language -- is supposed to illuminate root causes by identifying the deep mechanisms that govern events. CR offers guidelines for social science that are of a most general kind: from initial "premises," retroduction proceeds to hypotheses about deep structures & mechanisms. The initial premises are determined by a desire to understand events that surprise us. However, nothing is thereby excluded, including ODN. & since historical processes are revealed neither by assumption nor by the net effects of whatever initial conditions hold, it might be apposite to drop the search for (deep) socio-economic laws & instead use whatever evidence is at hand to see whether, & the extent to which, ideal types apply to any given historical sequence. References. Adapted from the source document.

Today, the Industrial Revolution is the Technology Revolution. In the midst of the continuing advancement of society, new terms have become more frequently used in our day-to-day language: micro, bio, nano, technology metals, critical elements and critical materials. What are critical elements and what are critical materials? Why are they critical? Are these elements and materials in abundant supply and where are they sourced? The issues behind criticality have the involvement of not only companies but the involvement of politicians and governments which seek to ensure the non-disruption of supply of critical elements and materials in today's and tomorrow's markets. The stakeholders and the end users are identified and the critical roles examined.

This manuscript argues that there is an intimate connection between a "critical" ethnographer's personal history and the data collected. The author traces elements in his personal life, such as school, religion, immigration and forms of discrimination, and connects dominant values within the above to the various studies he has conducted over the last decade. The author reflects back on how he may have unconsciously been seeing the everyday experiences of subjects he was studying as a reflection of his own personal experiences at various times in his life - all which relate to forms of institutional and cultural political resistance. The author argues that the educational Left can only be caught in a theoretical and cynical "catch 22" logic if the interpretation of "critical data" remain at the structural level. Moments of joy and emancipatory possibility , the author maintains, becomes a possibility particularly when the critical ethnographer's personal voice is entered into the whole ethnographic picture. That in mind, the author argues that school change on any level of liberation can only occur when the researcher and researched can attain a level of intersubjective compromise, where both their personal voices and relationships to structure are better understood.

In engaging with Markus Patberg's constructive criticism, this reply develops a third model for the empirical study of legitimacy, which moves beyond the dichotomy of measurement and judgment. Substantially, I thereby juxtapose Patberg's interpretation of the data as the rise of "critical citizens" with the democratic paradox arising from the decreasing dignity of majority decisions ("critical decisions"). Adapted from the source document.

Reproduces the mission statements of the US-based organizations Critical Resistance & its offshoot, Women of Color against Violence, both movements formed 1998-2000 to combat violence against women & people of color. It is argued that women of color suffer disproportionately from both state & interpersonal violence, but have been marginalized from more mainstream antiviolence movements organized by feminists or minority males. Problems with the focus of such movements on the criminal justice system & law enforcement are identified. The negative impacts of the increased criminalization of women of color, including sex workers, lesbians, & the poor & disabled, are addressed, & a call is made for greater activist efforts to improve police accountability & decrease the use of imprisonment for such disadvantaged women. Specific strategies that social justice movements must take to end violence against women & children are suggested. Signatories to these statements, including both individuals & organizations, are listed. 29 References. K. Hyatt Stewart

Critical design is proliferating. According to Raby, this kind of design creates artefacts in order to "challenge narrow assumptions, preconceptions, and givens about the role products play in everyday life" (Raby, 2008, 94). Conceived basically as "useless", the value of critical design "ultimately lies in its ability to valuate: articulate, refuse, critique, spark, turn, transgress, formulate, transform etc" (Rosenbak, 5.15). However, circulating mainly in "art galleries, conference halls and academic publications" (Blythe, Yauner & Rodgers, 2015), useless critical design artefacts has been criticized for never entering everyday life (Bardzell & Bardzell, 2013). It has been argued that most critical design instead "reflect the fears, anxieties, desires, imaginaries, and ultimately, politics of an intellectual, liberal progressive white middle class" (Ansari & Hunt, 2015, 4). Removed from practical use, critical design may then become another echo chamber for designers, where they can safely repeat the slogans of design modernism without changing the world. The aim of this presentation will be to return to critical design in the light of the concept of use, and thus to critically examine what the use of critical design can be.

In recent years, we have witnessed the emergence of 'critical performativity', a concept designed to debate relationships between theory and practice and encourage practical interventions in organizational life. Notwithstanding its laudable ambition to stimulate discussion about engagement between critical management studies researchers and practitioners, we are concerned that critical performativity theory is flawed as it misreads foundational performativity authors, such as Austin and Butler, in ways that nullify their political potential, and ignores a range of other influential theories of performativity. It also overlooks the materiality of performativity. We review these limitations and then use three illustrations to sketch out a possible alternative conceptualization of performativity. This alternative approach, which builds on Butler's and Callon's work on performativity, recognizes that performativity is about the constitution of subjects, is an inherently material and discursive construct, and happens through the political engineering of sociomaterial agencements. We argue that such an approach – a political theory of organizational performativity – is more likely to deliver on both theoretical and practical fronts than the concept of critical performativity.

Education being a lifetime process is dynamic and vulnerable to social, political and cultural positioning of its system. This nature in not a very distinctive manner, is also found in human beings, and is rather an imperative feature of human evolution. The propensity of education in its real sense goes far beyond acquisition of certain facts or a degree and has effects to the formation and changes brought about in human nature and personality. Critical thinking in the this paper is presented as an approach which is important for both the pedagogue, to be equipped with while transacting the curriculum and also for learners to engage in a broader perspective of things and be discriminative of their environment, both in negative and positive ways, even neutral when needed. The paper concludes with a proposal for reformation in the very aims, nature and process of examination system in the country in order to mark an eventual cessation to the practices like regurgitating and unreasoned articulation.

Women's critical mass helps change male-dominated cultures and promote women's career advancement, but its effects vary across organizational domains and are sometimes constrained by persistent gender structures and power relationships inside and outside workplaces. By analyzing a nationally representative sample of China's private companies, this study examines how women's representation, not only in sheer numbers but also in certain powerful positions (e.g., owners or shareholders), affects women's leadership potential. Despite evidence of positive trends in women's leadership in the Chinese corporate context, women's representation has been hamstrung by institutional legacies (e.g., partial state ownership). The effects of women's representation also differ by industrial sector. Women are more likely to reach senior management in low-tech, labor-intensive industries, where women dominate the workforce, than in industries with higher technological demands, where men dominate the workforce. Women owners or shareholders matter more for the promotion of women CEOs in higher-tech companies. Our study contributes to the literature on gendered organizations by offering insights on how transitional institutional forces and large industrial systems converge and interact with women's representation to affect their upward occupational trajectory in developing contexts.