Suchergebnisse

Cover -- Table of Contents -- Preface and Acknowledgments -- Foreword -- Chapter 1 Elitist Democracy, Civic Disengagement, and Citizen Politics in the United States -- Chapter 2 Elitist Democracy, Civic Disengagement, and Citizen Politics in Brazil -- Chapter 3 Participatory Democracy in Theory -- Chapter 4 Participatory Democracy in Practice-Brazil's Workers' Party and the Participatory Budget -- Chapter 5 The Orçamento Participativo in Betim, Minas Gerais -- Chapter 6 Examining the Claims of Proponents of the Participatory Budget -- Chapter 7 Examining the Claims of Critics of the Participatory Budget -- Chapter 8 Administering the Participatory Budget-Ideology and Dedication -- Conclusion: Participatory Democracy versus Elitist Democracy-Lessons from Brazil -- Notes -- Annex 1 Questionnaire for Delegates and Councilors of the Participatory Budget, 1998 -- Annex 2 Characteristics of 1998 OP Delegates (Respondents) in Betim and Belo Horizonte -- Bibliography -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- G -- H -- I -- J -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W.

A review article on books by (1) John B. Judis, The Paradox of American Democracy: Elites, Special Interests and the Betrayal of Public Trust (New York: Pantheon Books, 2000); (2) Michael Zweig, The Working Class Majority: America's Best Kept Secret (London, Ithaca, NY: Cornell U Press, 2000); & (3) Ruy Teixeira & Joel Rogers, America's Forgotten Majority: Why the White Working Class Still Matters (New York: Basic Books, 2000). As America inaugurates its 43rd president, it enters a period of reflection. The danger is that all emphasis on voting procedure will silence a longstanding & ultimately more significant criticism of US democracy & its policy of democracy promotion. The separation of economics from politics & the promotion of so-called "market democracy" does a disservice to the wider democratic project & is potentially self-defeating. This article reviews three books to argue that the declining international reputation of the US can be traced to its own democratic shortcomings. It explores the possibility of a popular working-class movement to address these failings & examines the implication this may have on the liberal international order. Adapted from the source document.

Cover -- Half Title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Foreword -- Introduction -- Chapter 1: Democracy and Government -- 1. Spain and South Korea Have Significant Challenges in Their Transitions to Full Democracies -- 2. Colombia's Democratization Process Is Hindered by Anti-Narcotics Efforts -- 3. Democracy in Thailand Is Increasingly Under Strain by Internal Forces -- 4. Democratization in the Middle East Is Hindered by Conflict -- 5. Malaysia's Democracy Suffers from Abuses of Power -- 6. Ghana's Elections Provide Lessons for Democratization -- Periodical Bibliography -- Chapter 2: Democracy and Equality -- 1. Only International Pressure Will Prompt Burma to Democratize -- 2. South Africa Must Overcome Institutional Obstacles to Democratic Equality -- 3. Eastern European Equality Advocates Are Decreasing in Numbers and Efficacy -- 4. Israel Struggles to Provide Equality for Minority Groups -- 5. North Korea Ignores Human Rights and Democracy -- Periodical Bibliography -- Chapter 3: Democracy and Economics -- 1. Sri Lanka Faces Economic Implications While Demilitarizing and Expanding Democracy -- 2. India's Political Struggles Undermine Its Middle Class -- 3. Zimbabwe Cannot Fully Democratize Until There Is Equal Distribution of Land and Resources -- 4. Governments Must Maintain Capitalism to Preserve Democracy -- 5. The Persian Gulf States Enjoy Free Market Capitalism Without Democracy -- 6. Malaysia's Citizens Demand Democracy with Development -- Periodical Bibliography -- Chapter 4: Democracy and International Relations -- 1. The United States Should Lead by Example to Promote Democracy Around the World -- 2. Afghanistan Needs Security Before It Can Have Democracy -- 3. Pakistan's Democratic Transition Affects Its Relationship with the West -- 4. Nepal's Democracy Needs Support from the International Community

Cover -- Contents -- List of Tables -- Acknowledgements -- Preface -- 1 The Theoretical Challenges of Democracy -- Democratic principles and normative methods -- The circumstances of politics -- The definition of democracy -- 2 Forms of Democratic Government -- Institutions, behaviour, social structure -- An institutional typology -- Evaluating forms of government -- 3 The Justification of Democracy -- The protective case for democracy -- From adjudication to democracy -- Democracy and political equality -- Fallibilism -- Common interests and political ideals -- Democracy and consent -- 4 Deliberation, Consensus and Political Equality -- Consensus and deliberation -- Deliberation and fairness -- Institutional dimensions -- 5 Participation as Democracy, Participation in Democracy -- Participation as democracy: autonomy -- Participation as democracy: moral development -- Participation in democracy -- Why not populism? -- 6 From Conceptions of Representation to Systems of Representation -- The concept of representation -- The lottery alternative -- Responsiveness and representation -- Back to social characteristics? -- A system of representation? -- 7 Aggregation, Unanimity and Majority Rule -- The principle of unanimity -- Majority rule: the axiomatic defence -- The spatial defence -- Two dimensions with no Condorcet-winner -- Empirical aspects -- 8 Democracy, Rights and Constitutionalism -- The constitutional basis for popular government -- Rights-based constitutionalism? -- Political rights -- Democracy and civil rights -- Democracy and property rights -- Courts or legislatures? -- 9 The Boundaries of Inclusion -- The problem of qualification -- The problem of partitioning -- Extension beyond persons? -- 10 International Relations and Democratic Ideals -- Dropping one of the claims? -- Democratic values and international concerns.

Der Autor möchte mit einigen thesenhaften Anmerkungen zum gemeinsamen Nachdenken und zur Diskussion über das Leitbild "Demokratie stärken" innerhalb der Gewerkschaftspolitik anregen. Er weist in seinem Vortrag im Rahmen der Ver.di-Programmdebatte des Hamburger Landesbezirks darauf hin, dass eine enge Verbindung zwischen der Demokratie und dem Gemeinwesen besteht. Die Demokratie hat Allgemeinheit erlangt und kann als gemeinsamer Maßstab für pluralistische Optionen und unterschiedliche Handlungen in der Gesellschaft gelten, insofern diese "Gemeinsamkeit der Demokraten" nicht zugleich zur politisch-ideologischen Ausgrenzung missbraucht wird. Das einzig gültige Kriterium für Demokratie in allen gesellschaftlichen Institutionen gesellschaftlicher Ungleichheit lautet nach Meinung des Autors: Selbstbestimmung und unmittelbare Teilnahme des Bürgers. Der Autor diskutiert abschließend die Frage, was eine traditionelle Gewerkschaftsorganisation zur Verständigung über das Wesen des Politischen und zur Stärkung der Demokratie leisten kann. (ICI)

Back cover consists of membership application form. ; Mode of access: Internet.

"The following paper presents the basic concept for the Democracy Ranking of the Quality of Democracy and positions this approach in context of academic discourses about democracy and the quality of democracy. Key dimensions of democracy are freedom, equality and control. Quality-of-democracy models commonly emphasize a democracy understanding that is broader than earlier concepts of primarily electoral democracies. Different global democracy and democratization measurement initiatives (Freedom
House, Polity IV, Vanhanen's Index of Democracy, and the Economist Intelligence Unit's Index of Democracy) are reviewed and compared. The Democracy Ranking underscores a conceptualization of the Quality of Democracy = Quality of Politics + Quality of Society. The conceptual formula for the Democracy Ranking (see Figure 5 in Chapter 5), therefore, may be summarized as: quality of democracy = (freedom + other characteristics of the political system) + (performance of the nonpolitical dimensions). This formula offers an opportunity for creating regularly conducted indicator-based rankings of countries, based on the quality of their democracy." (author's abstract)

In den drei Definitivartikeln seiner Friedensschrift formuliert Immanuel Kant 1795 drei entscheidende Voraussetzungen zum "ewigen Frieden": Die Einzelstaaten sollen im Inneren auf republikanische Verfassungen, das Völkerrecht soll auf einem föderativen Zusammenschluss freier Staaten gründen und durch die Ergänzung um ein öffentliches Menschenrecht zu einem Weltbürgerrecht fortgeschrieben werden. Erst wenn man sich "in einer kontinuierlichen Annäherung an die Verwirklichung aller drei Staatsmaximen befindet", dürfe man "sich schmeicheln", den Weg zum öffentlichen Frieden zu beschreiten. Kants Thesen wurden in der politikwissenschaftlichen Disziplin der Internationalen Beziehungen zum Ausgangspunkt genommen, um über Kant hinaus vor allem folgende Fragen über den Zusammenhang von Krieg und Demokratie empirisch zu prüfen: (1) Führen Demokratien weniger Kriege als Autokratien? (2) Ziehen Demokratien gegen Demokratien in den Krieg? (3) Sind Kriege Geburtshelfer von Demokratien? (4) Verringern sich mit ansteigender Quantität und Qualität der Demokratien auch die Anzahl der Kriege und die regime-externe wie interne Gewalt? Der vorliegende Beitrag geht auf diese Fragestellungen ein. (ICD2)