Suchergebnisse

Examines the condition of Palestinian civil society & what it promises in terms of the democratization of Palestinian politics. The question of civil society -- given the absence of a state -- is partly a question of definition. However, it can certainly be said that Palestine has civil-like groups -- eg, trade unions, women's & students' associations, & welfare organizations -- that can be mobilized. Nevertheless, many interests have been set aside to first pursue political self-determination. Other obstacles to or deficits of civil society are political actionalization, the existence of a large segment of society in exile, nondemocratic traditions, neopatriarchal power structures, & prioritization of statehood in any form over democracy. 14 References. E. Blackwell

The countries of Southern Africa are entering a new era. 1 Democratization, peace, and economic liberalization are important precursors of the kind of economic growth that can reduce poverty and raise incomes in a broad-based manner. Whether such a pattern of broad-based economic growth will occur will depend, in large part, on policy choices made in the countries of the region, at both the national and regional levels. More than at any time in the last 30 years, it will be lack of information and analysis rather than ideology and conflict that will constrain the ability of policymakers to make choices that bring about poverty reduction and food security, both now and in the future. ; Non-PR ; IFPRI1

This article analyzes why it has been easier to promote some types of environmental policy reform in Latin America than others. It first looks at the main groups that might promote such reforms - developed country organizations, the urban middle class, groups that have direct material interests in reform, and movements for social justice. Then in looks at how the existing patterns of development in Latin America condition the prospects for reform, particular the region's great dependence on the exploitation of natural resources and the overall context of economic liberalization and structural adjustment. Finally, it examines how political factors, such as the degree of democratization favor or hinder environmental policy reform.

This article analyzes why it has been easier to promote some types of environmental policy reform in Latin America than others. It first looks at the main groups that might promote such reforms - developed country organizations, the urban middle class, groups that have direct material interests in reform, and movements for social justice. Then in looks at how the existing patterns of development in Latin America condition the prospects for reform, particular the region's great dependence on the exploitation of natural resources and the overall context of economic liberalization and structural adjustment. Finally, it examines how political factors, such as the degree of democratization favor or hinder environmental policy reform.

The Centre for Regional Science at Umeå University (CERUM) and the Institute for Futures Studies in Stockholm has initiated a joint research effort concerning sustainable development. The general purpose of that comparative research program, which includes scientists from Sweden, Norway, the United States, Singapore, Taiwan, China, South Korea and Japan, is to analyze conditions for sustainable development in the rapidly developing economies of East Asia compared with the situation in Northern Europe. In this effort, sustainable development is analyzed as a complex interaction between economic growth, democratization and environmental concerns.This working paper is written in the context of this project by Jeanette Edblad at the Department of Political Science, Umeå University and is also her master thesis.

Traces the development of democracy in South America through a historical perspective beginning with the 1820s imposition of US-style constitutions. It is argued that, despite worldwide consensus to the contrary, South American countries have undergone significant constitutional changes & developments advocating democracy. Since the 1980s, their entire political character has changed through a reshaping of structural conflicts within the state-economics relationship. A broader approach to the study of structural treatment of South American democratization is called for, taking into account changes in internationally accepted ideas about politics. This would require consideration of the role of nondemocracy & how its weakening was essential to the rise of democracy. D. Bajo

This report examines the internal struggles that have taken place in the British Labour Party since 1979 to make gender a salient political issue and to increase the representation of women. I argue that the culture and organization of the Labour Party in 1979 provided an inhospitable terrain for women to organize around gender issues, but that since that time women have been able to use the spaces created by other agendas for party adaptation and change, particularly demands for party democratization and party modernization, to develop a gender-party dynamic which has allowed women to press their claims more effectively, but only in ways that are congruent with the leadership's modernization strategy.

The role of national identity in democratization in Estonia is examined. The conventional belief that nationalism is a threat to democracy is not evident in analysis of post-WWII Estonian history. During its Soviet period, Estonia was fully integrated into the Soviet political system &, excluding culture, feelings of national identity had been destroyed. In the 1980s, Mikhail Gorbachev's encouragement of citizen initiatives & opposition to oppression resulted in a national awakening, mobilization of Estonian identity, & movement toward the creation of an Estonian society within the Soviet system. With the disintegration of the USSR, the Estonian movement toward national identity evolved into a quest for statehood & democratic self-rule. An outline of a modern Estonian identity is explored. D. Generoli

The processes of democratization being experienced in Eastern European & Third World countries are not uniform, but rather, are shaped by the type of system from which they have evolved. The options available to leaders of the newly democratized regimes break down roughly into accepting the existing civil service as loyal to the regime, or forcing civil servants out of office. On their part, the civil service can either accept or resist the new regime. The strategies adopted by each group & each group's assessment of the other's strategies determine the degree of success. An analytical model is presented for understanding such group interactions. 3 Figures, 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY, THE UNITED STATES, AND THE UNITED NATIONS HAVE CONTRIBUTED MIGHTILY TO THE DEATH OF YUGOSLAVIA AND BOSNIA. TO BE SURE, THE BREAKUP OF YUGOSLAVIA AND THE WARS THAT FOLLOWED WERE PROBABLY INEVITABLE; HOWEVER, EVEN IN 1991 THE WORLD COMMUNITY STILL COULD HAVE PUT ITS WEIGHT BEHIND THE NUMEROUS ANTI-MILOSEVIC FORCES IN YUGOSLAVIA AND PUSHED FOR DECENTRALIZATION AND DEMOCRATIZATION. BECAUSE THE WORLD COMMUNITY FAILED TO DO THIS THE PROSPECTS FOR BOSNIA AND YUGOSLAVIA TODAY ARE MUCH WORSE THAN THEY WERE TWO YEARS AGO. THOUGH IT IS NOW PROBABLY TOO LATE TO RESTORE A CIVIC BOSNIAN STATE, THE WORLD MUST TRY TO SAVE THE BOSNIANS.

Die Memorial-Gesellschaft gehört zu den wichtigsten Organisationen der Perestroika-Periode. Geführt von einer intellektuellen Elite stellte sie die erste bedeutende Herausforderung der KPdSU dar, wurde zur Wiege einer Reihe politischer Parteien und war ein Karrieresprungbrett für führende Politiker der kommenden Jahre. Die vorliegende Untersuchung, deren empirische Basis eine Auswahl von 18 Memorial-Organisationen außerhalb der Zentren Moskau und Leningrad ist, gibt einen Einblick in die Entwicklungsdynamik sozialer Bewegungen in der Ära Gorbatschow. Im Anschluß an einen Überblick über die Entwicklung von Memorial in Moskau und Leningrad stellt die Verfasserin die Entstehung von Memorial-Gruppen in der Provinz, ihre Größe und soziale Zusammensetzung sowie die politischen Einstellungen ihrer Mitglieder dar. Sie beschreibt die Arbeit von Memorial zur Rehabilitierung ehemaliger Häftlinge und zur Entlarvung des stalinistischen Terrorregimes. Darüberhinaus wird das direkte politische Engagement von Memorial beim Aufbau informeller politischer Bewegungen 1988 bis 1989 sowie in der Zusammenarbeit mit nichtkommunistischen Gruppen und der Beteiligung an Wahlen 1989 bis 1991 behandelt. Abschließend wird nach der Reaktion des örtlichen Establishments auf die Aktivitäten von Memorial gefragt. (BIOst-Wpt)

In a report released on September 16, 1993, Amnesty International came up with an apt description of the current human rights situation in Zaire as consisting of "violence against democracy." In a violent backlash against the democratization process, the regime of President Mobutu Sese Seko has plunged the country into "its worst human rights crisis since the end of the civil war in the early 1960s." More than 5,000 people have been killed and more than 100,000 displaced in ethnic cleansing in the Shaba and North Kivu provinces. Moreover, repeated looting, extortion, and other acts of violence by Mobutu's army have endangered the lives of millions of people all over the country, particularly in the major cities.