"La Commission européenne et les professionnels du cinéma s'affrontent sur trois sujets : le programme Europe Créative, la video on demand et la taxe sur les fournisseurs d'accès à Internet".
The article focuses on the Next Generation EU as a financial intervention plan prepared by the European Union to tackle the health, economic and social crisis caused by the Covid-19 epidemic. The programs that make up the Next Generation Eu are analyzed, and therefore also the specific aspect of its insertion into the sequence of the European Semester, in the belief that this constitutes an important turning point for the Union, both for the role played by the European Commission in determining the objectives and contents of the policies of the Member States in relation to the Semester, and for the effective expansion and reorientation of the EU guidelines in the view to recovery and resilience. In order to highlight the change in the "political discourse" of the European Commission and therefore of the Union in general, the Annual Growth Surveys for 2017, 2018 and 2019 and the Annual Growth Strategy 2020, drawn up by European Commission at the beginning of the European Semester for the years considered and, for the same purpose, the Country-specific Recommendations addressed to Italy, France, Spain and Germany, for the years 2019 and 2020, were examined. Another topic that it was intended to give rise to from this analysis, is that concerning the notion of a s.c. "useful conditionality", which would emerge from the methods applied by the European Commission in carrying out its monitoring function on the policies adopted by the Member States in connection with the disbursement of loans and grants referred to in the resilience and resilience device. In this context, the issues concerning the proposal to modify the EU's own resources and the proposal on the remodeling of the Union's multiannual financial framework were also brought to attention.
The External Policy of the European Commission and the Challenges of Globalisation. The European Union's external activities are growing ever more pronounced. Global exchanges, common foreign and security policy, aid to developing countries, and the birth of the Euro are all areas in which there is a need for co-ordinated effort. The external administration of the Commission is trying to adapt to these new requirements. Moreover, the cumulated resources of each Member State are making the European Union the most represented entity at international level, particularly in the area of diplomacy. These huge resources can be utilised more effectively through collaboration between the external administrations of Member States and between these administrations and the Commission.
We study the quality of the French growth forecasts from the first decade of the century. An optimism bias of the quarterly Consensus growth forecasts can be asserted right from a graphic analysis and its existence is confirmed by the calculation of the mean errors which are systematically negative. The Theil index reveals that Insee forecasts are superior to the Consensus ones. In addition, the Consensus forecasts are superior to a naive forecast. Proper tests seem to confirm that an optimism bias exists ; this bias could arise from the combination of several forecasts. The study of the Consensus Economics fixed event forecasts regarding the next coming year requires a preliminary analysis due to missing data. We thus only retain the forecasts of nine institutions that we compare to those of the Government, the IMF, the OECD, and the European Commission. It appears that the forecasts are fairly close to the Consensus forecast and that the optimism bias is still observable. Finally, the disagreement between the forecasters increases towards a recession and, then, decreases. Adapted from the source document.
As the latest financial and economic crisis has reshuffled the institutional order on the economic governance of the European Union, the role of the European Commission stands to question, While it is often portrayed as being in general decline, this article provides a more nuanced perspective. The Commission's agenda setting power is indeed decreasing due to growing leadership by the European Council but a large majority of decisions in economic governance are dependent on the European Union's executive to make them work. With more and stronger implementation competences it may therefore be less visible but it is hardly less important. Adapted from the source document.
International audience ; The creation of political foundations at the EU level, made possible owing to a Regulation adopted in December 2007, signifies a breakthrough in comparison with the previous position of the European Commission towards party affiliated organisations at both national and European levels. This evolution is a part of the reorientation of the European communication policies, which seems to be an attempt to reach the public largely indifferent to the European affairs. This article analyses the mobilisation of political entrepreneurs in the European Parliament and of national foundations' networks, lobbying the Commission and Council representatives. The Commission's initiative needs to be considered in the political context in the aftermath of the 2005 constitutional referenda defeat. The article proposes a critical analysis of the foundations' contribution to the politicisation of the European public debate. It analyses their communication strategies to see how they respond to the European objectives of proximity and dialogue. ; La création de fondations politiques au niveau européen, rendue possible par un règlement adopté en décembre 2007, marque une rupture dans la position de la Commission vis-à-vis des organisations affiliées aux partis politiques au niveau national et européen. Cette évolution s'inscrit dans la réorientation des politiques de communication européenne, avec la recherche de nouveaux dispositifs à même d'atteindre un public désinvesti des enjeux communautaires. La présente contribution se propose d'explorer les mobilisations d'entrepreneurs politiques au Parlement européen et des réseaux des fondations nationales, notamment auprès de la Commission et du Conseil. Le fait que la Commission se saisisse, au plus haut niveau, de cet enjeu, doit être replacé dans la conjoncture politique du moment, au lendemain de l'échec des référendums constitutionnels. L'article propose une appréciation critique de la contribution des fondations politiques européennes à la politisation, ...