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The COVID-19 pandemic brought on the so-called "coronacrisis," a global crisis event enormous in size and force. The crisis questioned the ability of states and instruments of international governance to respond quickly and effectively to the global threats. It is noteworthy that there was no strong correlation between crisis management efficacy and the type of political system of a country. However, the countries with elaborated and well-financed health systems, were able to struggle with the devastating consequences of the coronacrisis better than those with systemic, structural and financial problems of their healthcare sectors. It is obvious that the ability to manage the coronacrisis is not related to the type of political governance or ideology, but to the state administrative resources and competence of the cabinet / leaders. That potentially gave an opportunity for countries with different ideological foundations to neglect their tensions and unite the efforts in the containment of the SARS-CoV-2 virus (e.g. create mutual programmes of vaccination and medicine distribution). The main forces are the Transatlantic alliance, Russia and China. Unfortunately, no visible COVID-19-related agreement between them ever happened so far. Instead, the coronacrisis situation was used by the political rivals to intensify their aggressive rhetoric against each other (e.g., USA and Russia, USA and China) or profit from it in deepening international collaboration not connected with the pandemic itself (e.g., Russia and China). We do not observe any real mutual efforts of liquidating the pandemic consequences even within an ideological block, to say nothing about different blocks. The US–EU relationships worsened during the pandemic, especially at the background of Trump's cool attitude towards international organisations and his decision to leave the World Health Organization in the midst of the pandemic and his threatening words that US may also abandon the NATO. Likewise, John Bolton spoke of the EU as an entity hostile ...

Maģistra darba mērķis ir izvērtēt Āfrikas Savienības (ĀS) nozīmi miera un drošības uzturēšanā, darba sākumā izvirzot apgalvojumu, ka ĀS lielākie izaicinājumi miera uzturēšanā un konfliktu risināšanā ir nespēja nodrošināt nepieciešamo resursu mobilizāciju un spēku ģenerēšanu. Darba teorētiskajā ietvarā tiek aplūkoti miera uzturēšanas un konfliktu pārvaldības principi, kā arī reģionālo organizāciju loma miera uzturēšanā. Darba tālākajā gaitā tiek aplūkoti drošības izaicinājumi Āfrikā, ĀS izveides vēsturiskais konteksts un tās galvenie darbības principi un miera uzturēšanas un konfliktu pārvaldības instrumenti. Pētījuma analīzes daļā tiek izvērtētas ĀS miera uzturēšanas misijas Burundi, Sudānā un Somālijā, analizējot ĀS ieguldījumu šo konfliktu risināšanā. Darba noslēgumā tika apkopoti ĀS miera un drošības uzturēšanas ierobežojumi un izaicinājumi. ; The main aim of this thesis is to assess the role of the African Union (AU) in the maintenance of peace and security in Africa. This study focuses on the argument that the main challenge affecting the AU's peacekeeping and conflict resolution capabilities is the inability to provide the necessary resource mobilization and force generation. The theoretical basis of this thesis consists of peacekeeping, conflict management and resolution principles, as well as the role of regional organizations in the maintenance of peace and security. Further discussed topics are the security challenges in Africa, the establishment of the AU, as well as its key operating principles and peacekeeping and conflict management tools. The analysis section focuses on the AU peacekeeping missions in Burundi, Sudan and Somalia, which were selected to evaluate the role of the AU.

作为中国社会的支脉,海外华人社会如何经历了从传统到现代化的蜕变过程?在书中作者对海外华人社会的传统意识形态、政治经济结构、社会组织等课题进行了深刻的透析、考察和论证。海外华人社会还保留着许多中国传统文化的沉淀,在海外环境和祖国政治经济交叉的影响之下,海外华人走上现代化的道路,并对祖国的经济建设和现代化作出一定的贡献。全书共14篇论文分成两部分,第一部分与传统的课题有关,诸如海外华人传统形象的变更、传统的行业组织、传统的社会权力结构与权力关系,以及传统的商业网络等。第二部分讨论现代化,包括经济和政治的现代化、海外华人民族主义、海外华人参与中国的经济与交通的现代化,以及海外华人与西方的文化与社会的互动等。