Ovaj rad nastoji istražiti koje su odrednice europskih programa volontiranja za mlade koje pridonose izgradnji europskog identiteta i europske solidarnosti. Europski programi volontiranja mehanizam su povezivanja i osnaživanja mladih europskih volontera. Kroz aktualni program Europske snage solidarnosti mladi neosporno rade na svojim vještinama. Ipak, naglasak je na preventivnom ili kurativnom, a uvijek solidarnom djelovanju. Volontiranje je usmjereno na krizu zajednice i tako dotiče mnogobrojne dimenzije ekspresije europskog identiteta. Proces provedbe volonterskih programa za mlade prolazi višestruku koordinaciju između europske i nacionalne razine. Uredba Europske unije temelj je za provedbu programa, koji uvelike djeluje po načelima europske Strategije za mlade, čime se pokazuje da legislativna i provedbena strana europskih programa volontiranja zajednički djeluje na koncepciju europskog identiteta. Istraživanje putem intervjua sa stručnjacima, provedeno za potrebe ovog rada ukazuje na brojne sličnosti i komplementarnost koncepata koji čine odrednice europskih programa volontiranja i europskog identiteta, poput osjećaj pripadnosti zajednici, međunarodnih bliskih, prijateljskih odnosa, zajedničkih aktivnosti, kao i standardizacije te regulacije politika za mlade na europskoj razini. Dijeljenje iskustava mladih Europljana koji su odrednice europskih programa volontiranja za mlade i europskog identiteta praktično povezali i primjenili u vlastitim životima može imati dugoročno pozitivne učinke na budućnost EU. ; This paper seeks to explore what are the determinants of the European youth volunteering programs that contribute to the building of the European identity and European solidarity. European volunteering programs are the mechanism for connecting and empowering young European volunteers. Through the current program, the European Solidarity Corps, young people are indisputably working on their skills. However, the emphasis is on preventative or curative, but always solidarity action. Volunteering has focused ...
Ovaj rad će analizirati kako i u kojoj mjeri države kandidatkinje, tj. Crna Gora usklađuje svoju vanjsku politiku sa ZVSP-om i ZSOP-om. Teorijski okvir će biti formiran oko dva temeljna alternativna koncepta – upravljanje iz pozicije države i višerazinsko upravljanje. Također, u radu će se ukratko prikazati kako je Lisabonski ugovor utjecao na ZVSP i ZSOP i stvorio ono što imamo danas. Nakon toga, predstavit će se usklađivanje crnogorske vanjske politike s EU, s posebnim naglaskom na nametnute sankcije u odnosu na na situaciju u Ukrajini, zbog višeslojnih odnosa između Crne Gore i Rusije. Sve ovo treba nam omogućiti zaključak utječu li i do koje mjere ZVSP i ZSOP na crnogorsku vanjsku politiku i njene postulate. ; The preamble of the Montenegrin constitution states that the Montenegrins are committed to European integrations, and that they share the same values and aims with the people of Europe. The government of Montenegro confirmed dedication to the European path by signing on 15 October 2007 a Stabilization and Association Agreement (SAA ), thereby accepting responsibility for its European future. Montenegrin European path is advancing steadily and until now eighteen of thirty-five negotiating Chapters have been opened, out which two Chapters have been provisionally closed. EU Member states devoted themselves to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), as well as to the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP), with which they are strengthening the EU 's external ability to act through the development of civilian and military capabilities in conflict prevention and crisis management. The acquis consists of political declarations, decisions and agreements, and member states must be able to support political dialogue in the framework of the policies, to align with EU statements, to take part in EU decisions and to apply agreed sanctions and restrictive measures. Montenegrin officials stated that, with respect to the EU policies vis-à-vis other third countries and regions, the country would not have difficulties in implementing CFSP and CSDP positions, yet, they expressed their commitment to be ready to fully and actively participate in the EU 's policies by the date of accession. Montenegro, also colloquially called 'the EU 's good student', in its accession process is already aligning with the EU 's policies. This paper will conduct an analysis with respect to how and to what extent the candidate countries, i.e. Montenegro is aligning its foreign policy with the EU 's CFSP and CSDP. Theoretical framework will be built around two basic alternative conceptions – state-centric governance and multi-level governance, which will establish a base for our further analysis. Also, this paper will briefly present how the treaty of Lisbon impacted the CFSP and CSDP and created what we have today. Afterwards, I will present all alignments of the Montenegrin foreign policy with the EU 's, with a special emphasis on the imposed sanctions in view of the situation in Ukraine, due to the multi-layered ties between Montenegro and Russia. All this should enable us to draw a conclusion if and to what extent EU 's CFSP and CSDP are affecting and changing Montenegrin foreign policy and its postulates.
Cilj je ovog rada utvrditi čimbenike koji utječu na zaštitu prava stranke u upravnom sporu. Upravni sudovi u Republici Hrvatskoj moraju u svom dje- lovanju istovremeno uključivati pravo koje razvija Sud u Strasbourgu, kvali- ficirano kao konvencijsko pravo, a i pravo zajednice koje razvija Sud u Lux- embourgu. U tu svrhu, autor razmatra utjecaj konvencijskog prava i prava Europske unije na zaštitu prava stranke u upravnom sporu. ; The aim of this paper was to determine the factors that affect the protection of the rights of the parties in the administrative dispute. Administrative courts in Croatia have in their activities at the same time include the right to develop the Court in Strasbourg and the right of a community to develop the Court in Luxembourg. To this end, the author discusses the impact of Convention rights and the rights of the European Union to protect the rights of the parties in administrative dispute.
Odnos Europske Unije i crkava, religijskih zajednica i udruženja različitih nereligioznih uvjerenja institucionaliziran je Deklaracijom br. 11 Ugovora iz Amsterdama, Poveljom o temeljnim pravima Europske Unije (čl. 10.) i Lisabonskim ugovorom (čl. 17. Konsolidirane verzije Ugovora o funkcioniranju Europske Unije). Budući da ugovori o stvaranju Europske zajednice i poslije Europske Unije nisu spominjali odnos prema religijskim zajednicama, što je posve razumljivo s obzirom na sadržaj ugovora, tek je s neformalnim, a potom sve više službenim inicijativama između Europske komisije i predstavnika vodećih religijskih zajednica došlo do dijaloga. Pokušajem identificiranja ključnih prekretnica u odnosu između Europske Unije te crkava i nekonfesionalnih organizacija ovaj rad želi istražiti mogućnosti historijskog institucionalizma u istraživanju političkog sustava Europske Unije. Ključne prekretnice moguće je promatrati kod crkava i religijskih zajednica, kao i kod političkih tijela Europske Unije. Pri proučavanju promjena koje dovode do stvaranja europskog modela odnosa prema religijskim zajednicama rad se zadržava na radu Europske komisije, dok utjecaj europskog zakonodavstva (koje uključuje sudske odluke Europskog suda i Europskog suda za ljudska prava) ostavlja za jednu širu analizu ovog odnosa. ; The relationship between the European Union and churches, religious associations and associations of various non-religious beliefs is institutionalised by Declaration 11 of the Treaty of Amsterdam, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union (Art. 10) and the Treaty of Lisbon (Art. 17 of the Consolidated version of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union). As the treaties on the creation of the European Community and, later, the European Union failed to mention the relationship towards religious associations, which is perfectly understandable considering the contents of the treaties, a dialogue arose only with the informal, and, thereupon, more and more official initiatives between the European ...
Mediterranean cooperation is addressed in the context of the creation of the Euromediterranean zone. The European Union has been developing various modes of cooperation with non-member Mediterranean countries by signing association agreements or cooperation agreements. The new European states, created after the disintegration of former socialist federations, demonstrate an interest in Mediterranean cooperation, though they tend to have different attitudes toward it. Their interest is based solely on the fact that Mediterranean cooperation has not been standardized & that it has a poorly developed institutional framework. This enables these countries to join in from time to time, when it suits their purposes. Regarding the role of the new states, the author distinguishes between two types of cooperation: (1) autonomous regional cooperation, which is not beneficial for the new states (eg, the Balkan states); & (2) occasional, specialized, dispersed cooperation, which might attract the countries of Central & Eastern Europe. Adapted from the source document.
Procesi pristupanja Republike Hrvatske u punopravno članstvo EU-a iznimno su kompleksni i vrlo specifični u odnosu na većinu država srednjoeuropskog i jugoistočnoeuropskog prostora. U usporedbi sa svim državama članicama koje su EU-u pristupale u veliku proširenju 2004. te 2007. RH susretala se s mnogim bitno drukčijim izazovima, pa nije rijetko da su se u brojnim napisima pristupanja RH EU-u upotrebljavali najrazličitiji atributi kao 'dugo putovanje' (M. Staničić) ili 'kamenito putovanje – Steiniger Weg' (G. Sander, B. Vukas, ml.) i drugi. Pristupanje RH euroatlantskim integracijama i njezin povratak u zapadnoeuropski civilizacijski krug bio je cilj gotovo svih novoformiranih političkih stranaka i intelektualnih krugova 1990., kao i novog vodstva Republike Hrvatske izabrana na prvoj sjednici višestranačkog Sabora 30. svibnja 1990. Jugoslavenska kriza te sve otvorenija velikosrpska agresija i rat protiv Republike Hrvatske bitno će determinirati odnose RH i tadašnjeg EEZ-a. Tako će sadržaj njihovih početnih odnosa biti poglavito uvjetovan pokušajima EEZ-a i drugih europskih organizacija za ublažavanje krize, nastojanjima posredovanja u prvim oružanim sukobima i doprinosima uspostavi mira u vremenu otvorene agresije koja će prijetiti opstanku same države. Autori ovog rada preko pravnih izvora institucija EEZ-a, odredaba tadašnjega europskog prava te međunarodnog prava pokušat će pokazati početke odnosa RH i EEZ-a, napose nakon proglašenja državne neovisnosti 8. listopada 1991. Cilj je navedena istraživanja predstaviti ulogu EEZ-a u tim vrlo specifičnim bilateralnim odnosima i važnost svih tih zbivanja za kreaciju daljnjih odnosa, osobito nakon međunarodnog priznanja RH. ; The Republic of Croatia's accession to full membership of the EU has been an extremely complex and specific process compared to most Central European and South-Eastern European countries. Compared to all the member states that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007, the Republic of Croatia has encountered numerous different challenges, hence the ...
Prilagodba nacionalnog okvira za dijalog dionika poljoprivrednog sektora o pitanjima Zajedničke poljoprivredne politike prema standardu dijaloga koji se provodi na razini Europske unije važna je zbog kreiranja učinkovitih politika, a posebice sprječavanja netransparentnih političkih odluka. U istraživanju se polazi od pretpostavke kako nacionalni okvir za dijalog dionika o pitanjima ZPP-a nije strukturno prilagođen formalnom standardu EU-a te dionici poljoprivrednog sektora RH nisu koordinirani za dijalog o pitanjima ZPP-a prema protokolu komunikacije i standardu EU-a. Cilj ove disertacije bio je ustanoviti razlike između nacionalnog okvira za dijalog dionika o pitanjima ZPP-a i okvira EU-a. Nadalje, cilj je bio identificirati ključne nacionalne dionike i njihovu ulogu u dijalogu te odrediti mogućnosti prilagodbe nacionalnog dijaloga o pitanjima ZPP-a prema standardu EU-a. Istraživanje je provedeno u pet faza: (1) analiza okvira dijaloga, (2) dubinska analiza dionika poljoprivrednog sektora, (3) analiza stajališta 17 stručnjaka, (4) ispitivanje 31 poljoprivrednika putem fokus grupa (5) testiranje rezultata prethodnih faza istraživanja anketnim ispitivanjem 132 ispitanika. Rezultati istraživanja pokazali su kako nacionalni okvir za dijalog dionika o pitanjima ZPP-a nije strukturno prilagođen formalnom standardu EU-a te postoje razlike u dijelu analitičkih, organizacijskih i edukacijskih kapaciteta. Prema ispitanicima, nedostaje razmjena informacija i znanja koja je temelj za koordinaciju javnih politika. Predloženim istraživanjem metodološki su identificirani ključni dionici dijaloga te su znanstveno potvrđeni potreba i mogućnosti prilagodbe nacionalnog okvira dijaloga prema standardiziranom postupku EU-a. Predložena unaprjeđenja moguće je proceduralno primijeniti i na izradu poljoprivrednih politika za druge države koje su u postupcima pregovora za članstvo u EU-u. Istraživanje može poslužiti kao koncept za izradu nacionalnog okvira za transparentan i redovit dijalog u poljoprivrednom sektoru. ; The adjustment of the national stakeholder dialogue on questions of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) according to the EU-level dialogue standard is important for the creation of effective policies, in particular the prevention of non-transparent policy decisions. The research is based on the assumption that the national framework for stakeholder dialogue on CAP is not structurally adjusted to the formal EU standard and that national stakeholders are not sufficiently coordinated for dialogue on CAP questions. The aim of this dissertation was to find the differences between the national framework for stakeholder dialogue on CAP and the EU framework. Furthermore, the aim was to identify key national stakeholders and their role in the dialogue and to identify options for adapting the national dialogue on CAP to the EU standard. The research was conducted in five phases: (1) analysis of the dialogue framework, (2) in-depth analysis of the agricultural stakeholders, (3) analysis of the dialogue from 17 expert standpoints, (4) focus groups with 31 farmers on the dialogue framework and stakeholders, (5) questionnaire for 132 relevant stakeholders in order to test previous phases of the research. The proposed research methodologically identified key stakeholders in the dialogue and scientifically confirmed the need and possibilities to adapt the national dialogue framework to the EU standardized procedure. By analysing the documents, performing individual interviews with experts, examining the four focus groups and conducting a survey, H1 was confirmed, according to which the national framework for stakeholder dialogue on CAP issues is not structurally adjusted to the formal EU standard. The results showed that according to C1, there are differences between the national framework for stakeholder dialogue on CAP issues and the EU framework, especially in terms of analytical, organizational and educational capacities. It was confirmed that although there are a number of formal meetings, e-Consultations do not follow the tempo of the negotiations at EU level as well as standards related to the publicity of data from meetings, the openness of the information system and the time frame for presenting opinions. The general consultations on agricultural policies with public comments are partially covered through the e-Consultation portal. However, abstracts are necessary in order to facilitate the understanding of the documents under discussion, as well as longer time frames. The e-Consultation portal is not a tool that stakeholders can follow yet and additional consultations are needed. Furthermore, the paper confirms H2, in which the stakeholders of the agricultural sector of the Republic of Croatia are not coordinated for dialogue on CAP issues according to the information, communication and dialogue structure protocol. The results of the second phase survey through C2 and the identification of key national stakeholders and their role in the dialogue on CAP issues according to EU standards, the interviewing of experts and farmers through focus groups and the final survey showed that a large number of different associations, sometimes politically coloured, offer weak arguments during debates and institutions perceive them lightly. Also, the selection of stakeholders is not completely transparent. There is no public invitation to participate in the work of the committees and the selection takes place according to decisions of the officials or heads of the Ministry. There is a need for a transparency register, which could determine who is entitled to present views and be invited to meetings according to certain criteria. Associations initiate meetings themselves and they depend on the good will of the leaders. There is a high level of politicization, mistrust and division in large and small, which contributes to weaker cooperation among stakeholders compared to EU policies. According to the respondents, there is a need for an institution or a coordinating body that will profile the interests of farmers towards decision makers. The Croatian Chamber of Agriculture (HPK) is most often mentioned as a key institution that should connect the views of farmers and CAP decision makers. The exchange of information and knowledge, which are the basis for policy coordination, were assessed negatively by experts (third phase), farmers (fourth phase) and stakeholders participating in the negotiations (fifth phase). The component of an analytical approach to planning and joint organized action at the EU level through the linking of the CAP positions of national representatives in the Council, EU representatives and member associations at the EU level is missing. According to C3, the paper identifies the possibilities of adjusting the national dialogue on CAP issues according to the EU standard. The results showed the need for: •establishing a regular dialogue on CAP at the national level modelled on the CDG of the EC, •establishing a transparency register and clear criteria for selecting stakeholders, •producing summaries that will facilitate the understanding of the documents that are discussed and allow for longer time frames for consultations, •increasing the number of representatives of the real agricultural sector in the negotiation process, especially those for whom agriculture is of vital importance, •offering education and accreditation of the stakeholders who participate in CAP negotiations, •strengthening the overall AKIS (synergy of advisory service, science and farmers) system, bringing the CAP closer to stakeholders in the field with the help of an advisory service and local action groups, •public disclosure of data from meetings at the Ministry of Agriculture and feedback on the implementation of the agreed changes, •strengthening the human and financial capacities of associations participating in negotiations at the EU level, •facilitating the translation of documents that are in the process of negotiation and meetings that include civil society stakeholders. The proposed improvements can be procedurally applied to the development of agricultural policies and to other countries that are in negotiations for EU membership. The research can serve as a concept for developing a national framework for transparent and regular dialogue in the agricultural sector.
Autor je obradio Medalju časti, koju svake godine dodjeljuje Europski parlament Građaninu Europe, na osnovi provedenog postupka. Ta je nagrada utemeljena 2008. godine. Ove su godine laureati iz Republike Hrvatske Tvrtko Barun i Hrvatska udruga Transplant. ; The author writes about the Medal of Honour awarded on an annual basis by the European Parliament to Citizens of Europe, following an accepted procedure. The Prize was founded in 2008. This year the laureates from the Republic of Croatia were Pater Tvrtko Barun and the Croatian Transplant Association.
Ovaj rad ispituje hipotezu prema kojoj je vanjsko djelovanje EU (koje prema Lisabonskom ugovoru kao važećem ugovornom okviru EU objedinjuje vanjske odnose EU kao zbirni naziv za eksternalizirane unutarnje politike EU i vanjsku politiku EU) neuspješno na Mediteranu zbog nekonzistentnosti u vanjskopolitičkom procesu, i zbog nekoherentnosti u sadržaju/ciljevima triju mediteranskih politika EU (Euro-mediteransko partnerstvo - EMP, Europska susjedska politika – ENP i Unija za Mediteran - UFM). U tom smislu prvi cilj disertacije je pokazati razloge neuspjeha vanjskog djelovanja EU spram mediteranske regije, a drugi je ukazati na šire implikacije tog neuspjeha za ambicije EU kao globalnog aktera. Korištene istraživačke metode analiza sadržaja primarnih i tercijarnih izvora podataka u kombinaciji sa diskurzivnom analizom primarnih i sekundarnih izvora, potvrdile su sljedeće. Vanjsko djelovanje EU spram mediteranske regije je neuspješno kroz sve tri faze vanjskopolitičkog procesa. (1) U fazi formuliranja mediteranskih politika zbog neusklađenosti/nekonzistentnosti između institucija EU (Europskog vijeća i Europske komisije) u definiranju mediteranske regije kao strukturnog konteksta mediteranskih politika EU, svrhe EMP-a i prioriteta EMP-a i ENP-a. (2) U fazi odlučivanja/usvajanja mediteranskih politika EU zbog nekompatibilnost/nekoherentnost ciljeva vanjske politike EU i većeg broja eksternaliziranih unutarnjih politika EU između EMP, ENP i UFM, pri čemu je najveća nekoherentnost postojala u razdoblju od 2004.-2008. između EMP i ENP po pitanju vanjske politike, JHA, trgovine i energetike, a od 2009. stanje se između trenutno aktivnih ENP i UFM nije bitno promijenilo jer su ostale nekoherentne vanjska politika, JHA i energetika, dok trgovinska politika nije sastavni dio UFM-a. (3) U fazi implementiranja mediteranskih politika EU zbog neusklađenosti/nekonzistentnosti u bilateralnoj implementaciji multilateralnih instrumenata mediteranskih politika EU na vanjskopolitičkom području i u JHA od strane južno-mediteranskih partnera unatoč činjenici da su ove instrumente zajednički usvojili sa državama članicama EU. Nekonzistentnost u vanjskopolitičkom procesu i nekoherentnost u sadržaju/ciljevima između triju mediteranskih politika EU slabe mogućnosti EU (shvaćene kao sposobnost formuliranja, usvajanja i implementiranja politika). Ove mogućnosti zajedno sa neiskorištenim prilikama (shvaćenima kao prilike za suradnju EU kako sa južno-mediteranskim partnerima kroz uzimanje u obzir i njihovih interesa, te sa drugim regionalizirajućim akterima koji jednako kao EU djeluju u mediteranskoj regiji) kao dva analizirana elementa akterstva EU, pokazuju da je EU tek (regionalni) akter u nastajanju i da još uvijek ne može bez problema koji proizlaze iz njezine kompleksne prirode pretendirati na ulogu vanjskopolitičkog aktera u globalnim razmjerima. ; This paper examines the hypothesis that EU external action (which, according to the Lisbon Treaty as the relevant EU framework agreement, encompasses EU external relations as a collective term for externalized EU internal policies and EU foreign policy) has been unsuccessful in the Mediterranean region due to the inconsistency of the foreign policy process and incoherence of the aims of three EU Mediterranean policies (Euro-Mediterranean Partnership–EMP, European Neighborhood Policy–ENP, and Union for the Mediterranean–UFM). In that context, the first objective of this dissertation is to provide the reasons as to why the EU external action has failed in the Mediterranean region. Secondly, it will point at the wider implications of this failure in terms of EU aspirations to be a global actor. Research methods used in empirical analysis that included content analysis of primary and tertiary sources, combined with discourse analysis of primary and secondary sources, has resulted in the following. EU external action in the Mediterranean region has been unsuccessful in all three stages of the foreign policy process. (1) In the stage of formulating Mediterranean policies due to inconsistency between EU institutions in defining the Mediterranean region as a structural context of EU Mediterranean policies, EMP's purpose and EMP's and ENP's priorities. (2) In the decision making stage of EU Mediterranean policies due to the incoherence of aims of EU's foreign policy and many EU's externalized internal policies between EMP, ENP and UFM, whereby this incoherence was most prominent between 2004-2008 regarding foreign policy issues, JHA, trade and energy between EMP and ENP. Since 2009, the situation concerning the currently effective ENP and UFM has not changed significantly, since foreign policy, JHA and energy policy have remained incoherent, while trade policy is not part of the UFM. (3) In the implementation stage of EU Mediterranean policies due to the inconsistency in bilateral implementation of multilateral instruments of EU Mediterranean policies in the foreign policy field, and in the JHA from the side of south-Mediterranean partners, despite the fact that they have adopted these instruments jointly with EU Member States. Inconsistency of the foreign policy process and incoherence of the aims between the three EU Mediterranean policies are weakening the EU capabilities (the ability to formulate, adopt and implement policies). These together with unutilized opportunities (for cooperation with south Mediterranean partners through taking into consideration their interests, and interests of other regionalization actors in the Mediterranean region) as the two analyzed elements of EU actorness, are demonstrating that the EU is still an emerging (regional) actor that is yet unable to assume the role of a foreign policy actor on a global level due to its complex nature.
U suvremenom zapadnom društvu terorizam je postao kulturalni simbol straha te je samim time postao referentni okvir za evaluaciju bilo kakvih drugih oblika ugroze ljudskoj sigurnosti. Pokušaji donošenja univerzalne definicije terorizma nikada nisu rezultirali uspjehom, a razlog tomu je njegova situacijska i pejorativna priroda te preklapanje s drugim formama političkog nasilja (gerilsko ratovanje, pobune i slično). Na tom tragu, prikazivanje određenih fenomena i događaja kao terorističkih može biti stvar subjektivne konstrukcije značenja tog pojma. Stoga je u ovom radu, uz metodu kritičke analize diskursa protuterorističkih strategija Europske unije i Sjedinjenih Američkih Država, prikazano kako se konstruira strah od terorizma u kolektivnoj svijesti zapadnog društva, te su komparativnom analizom utvrđene sličnosti i razlike u provođenju politike straha od strane zapadnih političkih elita. Rezultati analiza ukazuju kako se prikaz prijetnje koju terorizam predstavlja zapadnom svijetu ne temelji na činjenicama, nego na zamišljanju najgorih mogućih ishodišnih scenarija terorističkih napada. ; Terrorism has become a cultural symbol of fear in contemporary Western society and therefore a frame of reference for evaluation of any other type of threat to human security. Attempts to universally define terrorism have never been succesful because of its situational and pejorative nature and overlap with other forms of political violence (guerilla warfare, insurgency etc.). Consequently, representation of certain phenomena and events as terrorist can be a matter of subjective construction. Therefore, by applying method of critical discourse analysis to counterterrorism strategies of the European Union and the United States of America, it is shown how the fear of terrorism in collective consciousness of Western society is constructed. In addition, comparative analysis method shows similarities and differences in conduction of politics of fear by western political elites. Results of analysis indicate that the representation of terrorist threat to Western society is based not on facts but on imagining worst-case scenarios of terrorist attack.
The article looks into the process of "building" the monetary union of the EU member countries & creating the European currency, the euro. Following lengthy negotiations, the euro-system era commenced on 1 Jan 1999, when the euro was launched, marking the beginning of the third phase of the monetary union. At first, the euro will be virtual money & function as a dual currency, but in 2002, it will be printed/coined for everyday usage. In the first half of that year, local currencies will be replaced by the euro in eleven EU countries that have satisfied the stringent criteria of "suitability" for joining the monetary union. 1 Appendix. Adapted from the source document.
After the collapse of the bipolar international order, NATO has been focused on its desire to eradicate Cold War divisions and to build good relations with Russia. However, the security environment, especially in Europe, is still dramatically changing. The NATO Warsaw Summit was focused especially on NATO's deteriorated relations with Russia that affect Europe's security. At the same time, it looked at bolstering deterrence and defence due to many concerns coming from eastern European allies about Russia's new attitude in international relations. The Allies agreed that a dialogue with Russia rebuilding mutual trust needs to start. In the times when Europe faces major crisis from its southern and south-eastern neighbourhood - Western Balkan countries, Syria, Libya and Iraq - and other threats, such as terrorism, coming from the so-called Islamic State, causing migration crises, it is necessary to calm down relations with Russia. The article brings out the main purpose of NATO in a transformed world, with the accent on Europe, that is constantly developing new security conditions while tackling new challenges and threats. ; After the collapse of the bipolar international order, NATO has been focused on its desire to eradicate Cold War divisions and to build good relations with Russia. However, the security environment, especially in Europe, is still dramatically changing. The NATO Warsaw Summit was focused especially on NATO's deteriorated relations with Russia that affect Europe's security. At the same time, it looked at bolstering deterrence and defence due to many concerns coming from eastern European allies about Russia's new attitude in international relations. The Allies agreed that a dialogue with Russia rebuilding mutual trust needs to start. In the times when Europe faces major crisis from its southern and south-eastern neighbourhood - Western Balkan countries, Syria, Libya and Iraq - and other threats, such as terrorism, coming from the so-called Islamic State, causing migration crises, it is necessary to calm down relations with Russia. The article brings out the main purpose of NATO in a transformed world, with the accent on Europe, that is constantly developing new security conditions while tackling new challenges and threats.
